BACISHWA UBUZULU

Ukwakha isizwe, usisusa phansi, usiqoqe sihlangane sibe yinto eyodwa, usikhulise, usiphe usikompilo laso, usiphe ukuziqhenya nokuzazisa, ngikubona kungumsebenzi osinda ngendlela ejule kabi.

Namhlanje sinesizwe esibizwa ngokuthi yiKwaZulu esabunjwa iNgonyama uShaka Zulu. Nxa ufunda izincwadi eziningi ngaleliqhawe elakha lesisizwe, uyaye uzibuze ukuthi konje lobuchopho obujule kangaka, lamandla amakhulu kangaka okubumba isizwe esikhulu kangaka nesidume kangaka umhlaba wonke, wayewathathaphi. Ubuqhawe beNgonyama uShaka namhlanje bulinganiswa nobuqhawe buka Napoleon Bnaparte wase France, oChurchil waseBrithani, namanye amaqhawe amakhulu omhlaba.

Namhlanje, noma ngabe ukuliphi izwe ezwenikazi lase Afrika, noma ngabe useNtshonalanga, noma ngabe useNdiya, noma ngabe ulaphi, uma uke wathi uvela kwaZulu, abantu bayaguquka bakubheke, basondele kuwe bakubuze ngeNgonyama uShaka.

Kuyinamhlanje amazwe amakhulu anjengoRussia, kuningi akucobelela kuShaka mayelana namasu okuphaka impi. IRussia kuthiwa yahamba phambi ekuthatheni amaqhinga athize eNgonyama uShaka okuphaka impi, okungamaqhinga uShaka ayehlula ngawo izitha zakhe nxa kuliwa.

Abantu ababizwa ngokuthi ‘AmaZulu’ namhlanje bangabantu abaziqhenyayo ngendlela ejulile ukuba ngumZulu. Ingane encane ayikhohlwa ukuthi mina ngingumZulu. Khohlwa ukuthi alikho iqhingangqangi njengamanje lokuvuselela ubuzulu kumZulu, kodwa ubuzulu yinto etshaliwe kumZulu esesiswini somzali wakhe. Konke lokhu kungenxa yeNgonyama uShaka, owasipha uphawu lobuntu, uphawu lobuZulu ukuze saziwe ezizweni ziphelele.

Kodwa nakhu okungiphethe kabi: Ngisakhula kuleli lakithi kwaZulu, bekukhona usuku, u24 September, olwalaziwa ngokuthi yi’Kinga Shaka Day’ (Usuku lokukhumbula iNgonyama uShaka). Lolusuku alusekho namhlanje ngaphansi kwa lo Hulumeni wentando yeningi. Lwashonaphi? Usuku lolu lomhlaka 24 September solwenziwa laba usuku lokugubha amasiko ezinhlanga zonke zaseNingizimu neAfrika.

Isizwe sakwaZulu silwe namazwe angongcindezi kulelizwe, sivikela ubuzulu, sivikela ubuthina sivikela izwe lakwaZulu, sivikela nobukhosi bakwaZulu. Kodwa namhlanje umqambi wendlela, umsunguli walesisizwe, usuku lakhe olwaluqoshiwe eSouth Afrika kwiKhalenda ukuthi thina maZulu, njalo nje, siyohlangana sikhumbule leliqhawe lethu, lolosuku alisekho namhlanje kwiKhalenda. Yinindaba?

Ukususwa kwalolusuku kwiKhalenda asingakubuki sigcine ngezansi kwamakhala ethu, kodwa kudingeka sikubuke sijule, siphonse amehlo ethu laphaya lakuphela khona ufasimbe. Labo abashintsha lolusuku babenesu lokucima umlilo ovutha ngaphakathi kithina maZulu. Nxa ucima umlilo wobuzulu, usuke ucima ubuZulu uqobo. Nxa uthi amaZulu akangagubhi usuku lokukhumbula iNgonyama uShaka, usuke ucima umlilo ovuthayo wobuZulu. Ukususwa kosuku u24 September okwakuthiwa usuku leNgonyama uShaka, usuke ucima ubunjalo bomZulu, ukuze sibe yiziyingayinga nje, kuhle wena owabona inkukhu inqunywe intamo.

AmaZulu wona athule athini ngalento embi kangaka? Ubuholi obuphezulu bamaZulu buthule buthini bona ngalento embi kangaka? Sengathithi sihlanekezela iqiniso ngenkululeko. Akusikho yini ukumbozela ubukhulu nobuqhawe beNgonyama uShaka uma kwenziwa kanje? Akusikho yini ukucindezela ubuZulu kumuntu ongumZulu ukwenza kanje? Akusikhona yini ukucindezela injabulo yomZulu ukwenza kanje? Akufani yini lokhu nokungcwaba umZulu ephila? Akusho yini lokhu ukubulala isizwe sikaPhunga noMageba? Nxa sekufe isizwe samaZulu, amaZulu ayoba yini emhlabeni? Yini eyoficwa yisizukulwane sethu esizayo uma kungasekho lutho nje esilwenzayo njengesizwe samaZulu?. Yisiphi isisekelo sosikompilo esiyosipha isizukulwane esizayo nxa kungasekho nokuncane esikwenzayo njengesizwe kokuzikhumbuza ukuthi singobani, sivelaphi, futhi siyaphi? Yimibuzo le okudingeka sizibuze yona, siyibheke ngqo ngamehlo omabili ngoba isho kukhulu esizweni sikaZulu.

Kulezinsuku ezidlule sibone abaholi abaningi bephelekezela umholi omusha kaKhongolose uMnumzane uCyril Ramaphosa, beyokhonza eNdlunkulu yakwaZulu. Nangaphambilini sibonile abaholi bezinye izinhlangano beya khona eNdlunkulu kaZulu ukuyokhonza. Lolu uphawu lokuthi isizwe sakwaZulu, esabunjwa uShaka, siyahlonishwa kakhulu emhlabeni. Kodwa pho, sibulalelwani kanje?

Mfuniselwa Bhengu
Founding Director: Usikompilo Insitute

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The Tree of Life: Meaning and Symbolism – Mythologian.Net

http://mythologian.net/tree-life-meaning-symbolism/#iLightbox%5Bgallery2941%5D/0

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                 ON INTEGRAL AFRIKOLOGY

 ON AFRIKOLOGY
By Mfuniselwa J. Bhengu

One of the most difficult chapters of African history to understand and place in perspective is the one which involves the developing relations between Africa and Europe after 1400. From that general period onward, Africa, previously encompassing great societies whose influence was felt abroad and whose innovative characteristics greatly enriched African culture, was eclipsed at the very time when certain European states not only achieved national unity but made great technological advances that led to an overseas expansion which further increased Europe’s economic and technological capacities. Much of this progress resulted from years of trade with Africans for gold which helped to finance European technological advance and overseas expansion (Joseph E. Harris, Africans and Their History, 1972).

The encounter between ancient Egyptian civilization and Greco-Roman civilization created a unique fusion of cultures which benefitted both civilizations, although not equally. It is this inequality that is referred to as a gap between social and technological innovation, and it was created by the fact that some cultures were ‘museumized’ and others were made to be active and dominant. Integral Afrikology is inclusive and integrative. It is universal and recognizes all sources of knowledge as valid within their historical, cultural or social contexts and seeks to engage them into a dialogue that can lead to better knowledge for all. It recognizes peoples’ traditions as a fundamental pillar in the creation of such cross-cultural understandings. It is an epistemology that is not necessarily Afrocentric.

Indeed, as Cheikh Anta Diop has pointed out, in so far as the African-Egyptian civilization is the “distant mother” of western cultures and sciences, most ideas we may call foreign or European are often nothing but “mixed up, reversed, modified, elaborated images of the creations of our African ancestors.” These ideas include religious ideas as well as philosophic and scientific ideas. Concepts that appear in Judaism, Christianity, Islam- all have their origin in the African past. Also modern philosophic and scientific ideas such as dialectics, the theory of being, the exact sciences, arithmetic, geometry, mechanical engineering, astronomy, medicine, literature, architecture, the arts, etc, all have a common origin in the development of knowledge in Africa. So the universality of knowledge is not just philosophical, it is real with its base in Africa.

Afrikology must proceed from the proposition that it is a true philosophy of knowledge and wisdom based on African cosmogonies because it is Afri- in that it is inspired by the ideas originally produced from the cradle of humankind located in Africa. It is not Afrikology because it is African but it is Afri- because it emanates from the Source of the Universal system of knowledge in Africa. The product is therefore not relativistic to Africa but universalistic with its base in Africa. It is – (co)logy because it is based on logos- the word from which the Universe arose. From the word emerged consciousness and from consciousness emerged humanity who produced language from the word.

From this logos, the word, and the signs of the hieroglyphs, the African Egyptians were able to develop knowledge in all directions and branches, which the Greeks and Romans later learnt from by acknowledging its attribution to the authorship of the Egyptian god Thoth whom they called Herms Trismegistus, who became a composite god of the Egyptians, the Greeks, and the Romans. Thus the Egyptian god Thoth became a civilizing influence on the Greeks and the rest of the world.

Afrikology draws its scientificity and uniqueness from the fact that it is based on an all-embracing philosophy of humankind originating in Egypt and updated by the lived experiences of all humanity, who still continue to draw on its deep-rooted wisdom. It is based on a philosophy that is conscious of itself, conscious of its own existence as thought, and which although originally based in myth was able to separate itself from. In concretizing this view, Cheikh Anta Diop, in The African Origin of Civilization, posits that the principle feature of the mechanistic order was that the world was regarded as constituted of entities, which existed outside of each other, independent in their existence in time and space, and could only interact through forces that do not bring about changes in the natures. For Diop: ‘By contrast, in a living organism, each part grows in the context of the whole, so that it does not exists independently, nor can it be said that it merely interacts with others, without itself being essentially affected in the relationship’.

Egypt played the same role that Greco-Latin civilization played vis-à-vis the rest of Europe.

But let me return to Thoth, the African Egyptian god of all knowledge. As we have seen, Thoth was an Egyptian powerful national god who had certain specialities and local associations. He was regarded as a counsellor and secretary to the solar divinity Ra, and of the moon as the ruler of the stars, which distinguishes seasons, months and years thus becoming the lord and multiplier of Time, and the regulator of individual destinies.

As a divine scribe and inventor of writing and lord of wisdom, the Egyptian priesthood attributed much of the sacred literature to him and parts of the authorship of the Book of the Dead were attributed to him. He was also acknowledged as the source of occult knowledge and the lord of knowledge in general as well as language and science. He conducted the dead to the kingdom of the gods, and participated in the judgement of their souls. He played a role in the drama of creation itself.

Our interest in Thoth here is that he is in fact the representation of the African collective knowledge and wisdom. The attribution of all knowledge and wisdom to Thoth arose out of the fact that the milieu in which Egyptian knowledge developed did not encourage personal or literary individualism. The knowledge and texts attributed to Thoth gained weight and popularity.

This is especially important because Thothism, as we can now prefer to call this collectivity of African knowledge and wisdom, is widespread in African written and oral literature and texts, painted mural art, masks, stories, songs, philosophical proverbs and general folklore, with which we have to deal as researchers and teachers.

In short, Thothism is an open-ended approach to knowledge creation, interpretation and application. As such it is also a dialectical and historical with both long-dated and short-dated horizons. Thus although our understanding of knowledge and reality as we apply it is finite, the source from which we draw this knowledge and wisdom are infinite in horizon.

It is, therefore, important that build on the innovations of the past to shape a better future, and this is informed by the fact that the greater revolution of our generation is the discovery that human beings, by changing the inner attitudes of their minds, can change the outer aspects of their lives. But we can achieve this if we increase the awareness of our indigenous knowledge systems, and thus begin to develop a concrete social cohesion for our society.

Undoubtedly, our relational form of integrative humanism was born and bred, grounded and originated, naturally and communally, religiously and socially, in the heart of Africa. In fact we can find the roots of such in the concept of Maat, which we find in ancient Egypt, and from Ubuntu, which we find in modern, Southern Africa. Maat in its most expansive sense represents rightness in and of the world, giving rightful attention to self, society and the world as an interrelated order. The ongoing quest, then, is to maintain, renew, repair and enhance this order as self-conscious creators and bringers of the good in the world in a process and practice of restoring, repairing and renewing the world.

As Huntington (1996) argues that “…for an African civilization to have universal power, it would have to have a strong African-oriented economic philosophy, rooted in an African idiom. We believe that Africa has a relatively strong universal power, but still economically weak”. In other words, he sees a gap between African philosophy, culture, traditions, and business enterprise praxis. Any African-oriented philosophy, if it seeks to have a universal power, it would have to internalize the concept of an Integral Afrikology, which is, in our terms, local is as important as global, and vice versa. Afrikology should serve as a bed-rock of our African civilization. Our universal power should be premised on Afrikology. Our African-oriented economic philosophy should be informed by the constitutive rules of Afrikology.

Therefore, Integral Afrikology, is, in a sense, about recontextualizing global processes; creating a globally oriented, yet indigenously rooted future, and in returning to the roots with a future oriented point of view.

References

Joseph E. Harris, Africans and Their History, 1972

Nabudere, D.W. 2011. Afrikology, philosophy and wholeness: An epistemology. Pretoria: African Institute of South Africa.

Ndlovu-Gatsheni, S 2013. Why Decoloniality in the 21st Century? In The Thinker, Vol. 48:10-15.

Duru, EJC 2012. Globalization and African Self-Determination. In International Journal of Humanities and Social Science, 2 (5):157-161.

Nyasini, JM 1997. The African psyche. Nairobi: University of Nairobi and Theological Printing Press Ltd.

Odora-Hoppers, CA 1998. Structural violence as a constraint to African Policy Formation in the 1990s: Repositioning education in International Relations. Stockholm: Institute of International Studies

Rodney, W 1981. How Europe underdeveloped Africa. Washington, DC: Howard University Press.

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PHINDELA PUBLISHING GROUP

                   
Phindela Publishing Group is a registered publishing organization. It is self-publishing company. It encourages emerging authors from the disadvantaged background to develop their researched works.

Founded by Mr Bhengu, an author and scholar, has written many published academic papers, including papers delivered at various places, locally and abroad. Moreover, he is a columnist with Bayede Newspaper based in KZN.

Under the auspices of Phinndela Publishing organization, Mr Bhengu is currently researching the similarities between ancient Egyptian cosmology and the Nguni peoples of Southern Africa.

Books Published by Phindela Publishing Group:

1. The Dialectics of Cultural Economy, 2012

2. Cultural Paradigm, 2013

3. Pho, Nithi Makwenziwenjani?

4. Umlando weSizwe sakwa Mfeka, 2013

5. AMAZULU: Ancient Egyptian Origin, 2014

6. UBUNTU: The Philosophy and Practice, 2015

7. The Pain of Being a Woman, 2015

8. 8. AmaZulu: Bona’Bakhulu BaseKemet, 2016

9. The History of AmaNgcolosi, 2012

10. Integral Marketing, 2017

INQABA MAGAZINE

Under the auspices of Phindela Publishing Group, the company has recently established a magazine called ‘Inqaba’ which focuses on issues Afrikology, African Indigenous Knowledge Systems, decolonization, African Renaissance, etc. The magazine is published quarterly. For more information. go to our website: http://phindelapublishinggroup.co.za

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THE SECRETS OF ANCIENT AFRICA: BONAABAKHULU BASEKHEM BROTHERHOOD OF THE HIGHER ONES 

By 

Mfuniselwa J. Bhengu

 

Abstract

This paper seeks to trace the origin, nature and content of Bonaabakhulu baseKhem Brotherhood and how Mankanyezi, an African sage, who was an initiate of this organization, was trained in African wisdom. Again the paper will try to establish the connection between this organization and ancient Zulus 

 

Introduction

In this great continent over which the sphinx still gazes, guarding the eternal mystery of life, may the flame within the hearts of its varied peoples be lit, so that once again from African soil may resound the old message ‘Thou art the light, let that light shine.’” (Harvest).

 

The story of the human race in Africa dates back to more than 50 000 years before the mythical creation of Adam in 4 240 BC. This story was written by Lord Khem (or Ham) popularly known as ThauThau-Harama(the Greek Thoth-Hermes) who was the scribe of the African builder Gods called Bonabakhulu baseKhemu(i.e. the ancient ones of Khem). 

 

The land of Khem (or Ta Shema), writes Bowen (1927), came to be known as ancient Ethiopia (African Atpu) to the Greeks. The names Ethiopia and Egypt (the African Hakaptah i.e. land of God Ptah) were named after the ancient African God Tapa (or Pata). His shrine is in the Sudan (i.e. land of the Blacks).

 

Long before the rise of ancient Egypt, Africa South of the Sahara had known two major civilizations in Punt or Tanutra (i.e. central and Southern Africa) and Ethiopia or Khem, which covered Southern Egypt, Eritrea, Abyssinia, the Sudan and surrounding territories.  

 

It was the Ethiopian Prince Mena who established Egypt by uniting lower and Upper Egypt in 5 619 B.C. Thus ancient Egypt is not the oldest state in Africa.

  

The earliest civilization was established by the gods of the First Time (Zep Tepi) from Punt or Tanutra who came to be known as Shamsu Hara (Greek Shemsu Hor i.e. followers of Horus).  The relics of the civilization established by the followers of Horus are still found at Maphungubwe, Zimbabwe, the Sudan, Yemen, modern Ethiopia, Egypt and Benin and the Area of the Great Lakes.

  

Lord Khem brought the religion of light (Karaism), which taught that the light (Kara), which was God, dwelt in the heart of every human being.  

 

To the sacred (or divine) rulers, he taught them to “Look for the light” (i.e. the divine spark) or the “God within” every individual. To the people he taught the motto that: “Thou art the Light, let the Light shine”.

 

The teachings of Lord Khem attracted students like Thales, Solon, Pythagoras and Plato – the Hermetic teachings – and passed them to the world as Greek philosophy or more specifically Pythagoreanism. The African religious philosophy of Light (Karaism) came to be known as Hermeticism and passed as Greek philosophy.

 

However, Hermeticism did not disappear from the face of traditional Africa. In his book entitled: “The Ruined Cities of Mashonaland,” Bent observed that the African founders of the Zimbabwe Temple practiced the religion of Light (Karaism) and this God of Light was also called UmbeNyambe or Zambe (i.e. the word of God). 

 

Indeed, our African continent is not a dark continent. Western scholars made the world to believe that, before colonization, Africa was a Dark Continent without a literary tradition. They also excised ancient Ethiopia and Egypt from Africa and made them part of the so-called near East to obliterate the African origins of ancient Ethiopian and Egyptian civilization.

 

As Harvest puts it: If we wish to penetrate into the mighty secrets of Africa of its peoples, of its meaning in god’s plan, we must make ourselves part of it, and seek the underlying unity….Let us look once more for the light so splendidly revealed in the teachings of Tehuti, also called Hermes.

 

The Secrets of Africa

In an article that appeared in The Theosophist magazine, on August 1927, entitled ‘The Ancient Religion in Africa’, written by Patrick Bowen, tells us that the ancient Africans were a profoundly spiritual people and extremely psychic. To them, like to traditional Africans today, the world of higher being was a reality. Bowen is better known for his work ‘Saying of the Ancient One’ which he published.

 

Mr. Bowen wrote: 

Many years ago, when I, a boy of ten or twelve years of age, I followed my father’s wagon through the wild Bushlands of the Northern Transvaal…I met and gained the friendship of many natives–principally Zulus–of the class known as Isanusi, a term popularly but improperly interpreted as “Witch-Doctor.  

 

Outside of the records of the ancient wisdom in Egypt, little is known of its diffusion in the rest of Africa. Some evidence of the continent-wide existence of the ancient doctrines and movement can be found from the following narrative. 

 

The most interesting of African mystery teachings came to us from Bowen through his book entitled: “The Saying of the Ancient One”. The fragments in this book are translations of chapters from the mystic writings of the African sage, Mehlo Moya (i.e. the spiritual eyes).

             

The Saying of the Ancient One was written in an archaic Bantu language called Isinzu.  According to MehloMoya, this Isinzu manuscript is a translation of some very ancient records found in a subterranean chamber in one of the ruined cities of Southern Africa, belonging to the Maphungubwe-Zimbabwe cultural complex. The original records were written in veiled symbols, akin to the Sabean script, on tablets of ivory or stone.

 

The African Sage, Mankanyezi, also told Patrick Bowen of a secret society to which he belonged: “Whose members are the guardian of the wisdom-which-comes-from-of-old; they are of many ranks, from learner to master, and Higher Ones whose names may not be spoken; and there is one member at least in every tribe and nation throughout this great land of Africa“. 

 

The Brotherhood is called, in the ancient Bantu speech, Bonabakhulu abaseKhem, that is, the Brotherhood of the Higher Ones of Egypt. (Khem, hence chemistry, was an ancient name of Egypt). It was founded by a Priest of Isis in the reign of Pharaoh Cheops, to spread The Wisdom which comes from of old among all races and tribes of Africa….

 

The grades of the Brotherhood are: 

(1) the Pupil,

(2) the Disciple

(3) the Brother

(4) the Elder

(5) the Master

(6) the Sangoma

(7) Abakhulu-Bantu, i.e. perfect men, for whom rebirth has ceased, who dwell on earth in physical form by their own will, and can retain will and can retain or relinquish that form as they choose.

 

Mr. Bowen seems to have been recognized early in life for some special qualities by members of those who were among Initiates of the Ancient Brotherhood of Wisdom living among the Zulus and the descendants of the old Bantu race of South and South East of Africa.

 

Who was Mankanyezi?

 

He further explains his African experience: Many years ago, when I, a boy of ten or twelve years of age, followed my father’s wagon through the wild Bushlands of the Northern Transvaal, Portuguese East Africa and Mashonaland, I met and gained the friendship of many Natives—principally Zulus—of the class known as Isanusi, a term, popularly but improperly interpreted as “Witch Doctor”. Why those men, who with Europeans and even with their own people are always intensely reserved, should have favoured me with their confidence is something I do not, even now, clearly understand, yet they certainly did so. I recall a conversation with one of their number, by name, Mankanyezi (The Starry One), with whom I was particularly intimate, which impressed me deeply; so much so that I have never forgotten it. My father had declared his intention of placing me in care of a Missionary, in order that I might receive some education, and learn white men’s ways. I repeated his words to Mankanyezi, who shook his head doubtfully on hearing them and said:

“Your teachers are doubtless learned men. But why do they strive to force their beliefs on us without first learning what our beliefs are? Not one of them, not even Sobantu, knows anything of our real belief. They think that we worship the spirits of our ancestors; that we believe our spirits, when we die, enter the bodies of animals. They, without proof or without enquiry, condemn us, the Isanusi, as deluders of our more ignorant brethren; or else they declare us to be wicked wizards having dealings with evil spirits. To show how ignorant they are, I shall tell you what we teach the Common Man (ordinary Native). We teach that he has a body; that within that body is a soul; and within the soul is a spark or portion of something we call Itongo, which the Common Man interprets as the Universal Spirit of the Tribe. We teach that after death the soul (Idhloziafter hovering for a space near the body departs to a place called Esilweni (Place of Beasts). This is a very different thing, as you can see, from entering the body of a beast. In Esilweni, the soul assumes a shape, part beast and part human. This is its true shape, for man’s nature is very like that of the beast, save for that spark of something higher, of which Common Man knows but little. For a period which is long or short, according to the strength of the animal nature, the soul remains in Esilweni, but at last it throws aside its beast-like shape and moves onward to a place of rest. There it sleeps till a time comes when it dreams that something to do or to learn awaits it on earth, then it awakes and returns, through the Place of Beasts, to earth and is born again as a child. Again and again-does the soul travel through the body, through the Place of Beasts, to its rest, dreams its dream and returns to the body; till at last the Man becomes true Man, and his soul when he dies goes straight to its rest, and thence, after a space, having ceased to dream of earth, moves on and becomes one with that from which it came—the Itongo. Then does the Man know that instead of being but himself, apart, he is truly all the tribe and the tribe is he. This is what we teach, I say, for this is the utmost the Common Man is capable of comprehending; indeed many have only a vague comprehension, even of this much. But the belief of us, Wiser Ones, is something far wider and greater, though similar. It is far too wide and great for Common Man’s comprehension—or for yours, at present. But I may say this much, that we know that the Itongo is not the mere Spirit of the Tribe, but is the Spirit within and above all men—even all things; and that at the end, all men being one in Spirit, all are brothers in the flesh”.

 

Mankanyezi, continues Bowen, was a pure Zulu, of the royal blood. What his age might have been, it is not knownbut certainly he was at least seventy’. He was a tall, lean man, light chocolate in colour, of a distinctly Jewish cast of countenance, without a trace of the Negroid, with the exception of his snow-white hair which was frizzled. Both by the natives and by the few white hunters who knew him he was regarded as a powerful magician, but only once did I get a glimpse of this side of his character.

 

A year or two subsequent to the talk above quoted, (writes Bowen)  in company with a famous Boer hunter named Sarel Du Pont, I met Mankanyezi near the Limpopo River, and he gave us a direction to the Great Lakes of the North, and said: “Much farther, I think. You will ere you again see this river visit the Great Lake of the North (Lake Nyassa). To the eastward of that lake, you will visit the springs of another river, and there you will meet one of my elder brothers”.

 

“Indeed”, said Du Pont, “if it should happen that we go so far, which is not our intention, how are we to know this brother of yours? I suppose he is not your brother in reality, but merely one in the Spirit, as you say all men are?”Mankanyezi replied:

 

He is, as you say, not my brother in the flesh. I call him my elder brother because he is an Elder in the Family (Society) to which I belong, whose members are the guardians of the Wisdom-which-comes-from-of-old. There are many of us—one at least in every tribe and nation—throughout this great land. We are of many ranks, from the learner to the Master, and to those Higher Ones whose names may not be spoken, I am a common Brother; he of whom I speak is my Elder.

 

Sarel Du Pont“But”, I asked in some surprise, “how can you know this man, seeing you have often told me you have never travelled beyond the Zambezi?. Mankanyezi“I know him, because I have often seen him, though not in the flesh. Often have we spoken together. Do you think the mind of Man can travel only in the flesh? Do you think thought is limited by the power of the body? See this, and try to understand”.

 

As he spoke he pointed to a lizard which basked in the sun, near by. Fixing his eyes upon it, he extended his hand, palm upward, towards it, and began to breathe slowly and regularly. In a few seconds, the beady eyes of the little reptile turned towards him. It took a little run forward, then stopped, its sides expanding and contracting, rhythmically. After a few seconds’ further pause, it again darted forward and settled itself upon the old man’s open palm. He let it rest for a minute, then slid it gently among the leaves where it quickly concealed itself. He looked at us and smiled gently. “That is witchcraft perhaps you will say”, he said, “perhaps I sent an evil spirit to call the lizard to me. Or perhaps it is itself an evil spirit which serves me. If I tell you that my mind went out and entered its brain and our two minds became one, you will not believe. Some day, perhaps, you will understand”.

 

Over a year later, near the source of the Rovuma River, to the east of Lake Nyassa, we put up at a Native village, and there met an old man (a Masai—not a Zulu) who greeted us as friends of his brother, Mankanyezi. From careful enquiries made by my companion, it became certain that this man and Mankanyezi could never have met. The one had certainly never been south of the Zambezi, and equally certainly the other had never been north of the river. Yet there was no question of their intimate knowledge of each other, a knowledge which could not have been gained second hand, for a thousand miles separated their dwelling places, and the tribes had no point of contact whatsoever.

 

Continues Bowen: About the time of Dr. Jameson’s Raid on the Transvaal, I entered the service of the B.S.A. Co. (Chartered Company), and since then down to 1924, I was almost continually employed by one or other of the Colonial Administrations from the Equator to the Cape, always in some capacity which brought me in intimate contact with the Natives. Of the existence of the Society, mentioned by Mankanyezi, I received constant assurances, and once came in close touch with certain of its higher ranks. Some years after the Boer War, I was engaged in work on behalf of the Natal Government, in a certain large Native Reserve, in the course of which I was astonished to find occupying a remote, inaccessible valley, a small community of people—perhaps less than a hundred of all ages and both sexes—who were certainly not Zulus, nor, in fact, of an African Race I had ever seen. Had it not been for the fact that they lived the life of the Natives, and identified themselves in all respects with their Bantu neighbours, I should have said that they were members of some Southern European Race. In colour they varied a good deal, from the brown of a high caste Hindu to pure white. Their features were of pure European type, more uniformly classical indeed than is usual among Europeans.

 

Who was Mandhlalanga?

 

Continues Bowen: The chief of this little community bore the Zulu name of Mandhla-langa (Strength of the Sun). He was a man of striking appearance, well over six feet in height, slight of figure, with wavy, snow-white hair, olive complexion and features which, with the exception of the cheek bones which were rather prominent, were almost pure Greek in type. Among the Zulus, he bore the reputation of being a supernatural being.

 

Mandhlalanga, continues Bowen, is a master, or teacher in the Brotherhood mentioned by Mankanyezi. He has travelled in Europe, Asia and America. He speaks English and other European languages perfectly, but his talks with me were conducted in the secret Bantu tongue, which to the ordinary Native has been dead for ages, and of the continued existence of which few Europeans are aware. In the following quotations, the reader must realize that many obscurities are probably due to the difficulty of rendering in English the exact shades of meaning.

 

From the first, Mandhlalanga was extremely friendly towards me, and showed a desire to win my confidence. He gave me invaluable aid in the work upon which I was engaged, and that, eventually, I completed it successfully was largely owing to him. As regards himself, he remained for a time rather reserved, however. He and his people, he gave me to understand were Berbers, or rather Khabyles (he pronounced the name Kha-beel-ya, the “Kh” he pronounced as a guttural), from North Africa. But what they were doing five thousand miles from their native habitat, or why they chose to identify themselves with the Zulus, he did not explain. [Berbers were the original black Africans of North Africa]

 

Time, however, brought about a change in his attitude. One day I was speaking of the inexplicable manner in which news of distant happenings spreads among the Natives, when suddenly he said:

Thought is speedier than the electric spark and needs no wires for its conveyance. All it requires is a brain to despatch it and another to receive it. Would you believe if I told you that I and others of the Brotherhood to which I belong can transmit our thoughts one to the other, no matter how far apart our bodies may be? [This still remains a mystery to the author]

 

Continues Bowen: This was a rather startling statement, but I recalled what I had learned from Mankanyezi. I replied, “Yes, I think I might believe that, but I should be more sure if you explained how it is done”.

 

Mandhlalanga’s response: “To attempt to explain our science to you”, he said, smiling, “would be rather like trying to explain the differential calculus to a child who is ignorant of simple addition. However, I am satisfied that you have a mind unclouded by the average European’s prejudices and preconceptions, so, if you will, I will take you as a pupil and teach you the simple addition of our lore. Whether you ever reach knowledge of the differential calculus, will depend entirely on yourself. I can teach, but I cannot guarantee that you can learn”.

 

Bowen: After some consideration I agreed to become Mandhlalanga’s pupil, and for a year continued under his instruction. Then circumstances arose which led to my abandoning my studies and quitting this portion of the country. I never again encountered my teacher, nor for some considerable time afterwards did I ever receive a communication from him. With another of his fellows, however, whom I met at that period, I have several times been in contact, and have received from him communications at infrequent, though regular intervals. The sum of the information I gained from Mandhlalanga, during that year, is not very large, and I am so far from clear concerning its exact significance that I shall make no attempt at explaining it. I shall content myself here with certain extracts from the copious notes I made of his discourses at the time they were delivered and allow the reader to interpret them as he sees fit.

 

Ithongo and its Explanations

 

Mandhlalanga explains the concept of Itongo as follows:

The Itongo (Universal Spirit) is ALL that ever was, is, or ever shall be, conceivable or inconceivable. The Itongo is ALL things, all things are of IT; but the sum of all things is not the ItongoThe Itongo is ALL the power there is, all power is of it; but all power, perceivable or conceivable, is not the ItongoThe Itongo is ALL the wisdom there is, all wisdom is of IT; but all wisdom conceivable is not the ItongoALL substance, ALL power, ALL wisdom is of IT, and IT is in them and manifest through them, but IT is also above them and beyond them, eternally unmanifest.

 

Man who is of the Itongo can never know the Itongo while he is man. All he can know of IT are certain manifestations which come within the range of his perceptions.

The pupil is generally taught that the manifestations are three in number. Namely:

1.    Universal Mind.

2.    Universal Force.

3.  Universal Substance or Matter.

 

[The pupil would be like a student at a university institution level]

 

What is Force?: What we call Force is not a separate manifestation. It is simply certain of the lowest, or grosser grades of Mind. Force is simply that portion of Mind which endows Matter with Form. It is that portion of mind which transmits the idea of Form to the higher grades where Consciousness dwells. Let the pupil think and he must see that this is so. Colour, size, shape, what are they? Simply light vibrations which when passed on to the Consciousness give the idea of Form. And what is vibration? It is Force. Heat, cold, hardness, softness, varieties of taste and smell are all vibrations, and therefore also Force. If you make Force a separate manifestation, then also must you make those planes of Mind which transfer the ideas of passion or emotion separate manifestations.

 

In the beginning of a Cosmic Cycle the Itongo first manifested in all the many grades of mind, downward into all the grades of Matter. But at first both Mind and Matter were unindividualizedWhen, how, or why, only the Itongo can know. Individuality began in the highest planes of Mind—those planes which touch on pure Spirit. Understanding of what occurred is best gained by the following conception. Think of the Cosmos, just before individuality began, as a vast, amorphous ocean of Mind and Matter, its surface ripples and upper reaches, those planes of Mind which touch on Spirit; growing denser and denser, downward till matter, in Etheric form, is reached: downward till Ether becomes Gas, which may be likened to the mineral-charged lower strata of the ocean; downward till gases become liquids (muddy water); finally into solids (thick mud).

 

The beginning of individuality in this Cosmic Ocean may be likened to the starting of myriads of tiny “whirlpools” among the ripples of the surface (the Spiritualized Mind). These “whirlpools” under the force of a growing flood-tide, extended deeper and deeper, till at last all strata were involved in the swirl. Thus we have Individuality set up, extending from Spiritual Mind to the Physical Plane. The “whirlpool” on the surface represents the birth of the Soul. Its extension to the muddy depths represents the Soul’s descent into matter. In matter the Soul has reached the aphelion of its cycle, and now it begins its long, slow return journey. By the process of evolution it climbs slowly upward, from mineral to plant, from plant to animal, from animal to man; through all grades and states of human development, shaking off, slowly and painfully as it climbs, the gross accretions gathered during its descent; up through the lower mind to the higher, it climbs, till at last, its cycle complete, it merges with its source, the Itongoand ceases to be Individual, being one with the ALL, explains Mandhalanga.

 

On Man and his Destiny

Mandhlalanga discoursed thus:

Man is an individual, having in him, as has everything on the physical plane, all the attributes of the Cosmic Ocean of which he is an individualized portion. He has reached on his upward journey the stage of personal consciousness. I speak of Man in general. There are undeveloped men whose personal consciousness is but rudimentary as there are others who have transcended personality and know their real Selves—that immortal portion first individualized from the lofty planes of the Spiritual Mind.

 

Man is on a journey, the goal of which is union with the source of his being—the ItongoTo reach that goal he must first pass through all experience the Cosmos affords, and must shake off all accretions accumulated on his descent from individualized Spiritual Mind into grossest Matter. To do this, he is born and born again, for his physical body dies, as do his lower mental principles; only his higher mental principles which are akin with the Itongo survive individuality bestowed upon them at its opening.

 

The Principles of Man

 

(1) The Physical body (Umzimba). 

 

 

This is merely the etheric counterpart of the physical body, and not really a separate principle, normally. But in certain abnormal states it is partially separable from the physical body. It is the medium through which the Lower Mind (or Force) functions.

 

(2) The Etheric Body (Isitunzi).

That portion of the Mind which shows as Life-force and other forms of what we call Energy.

 

(4) The Animal Mind (Utiwesilo).

The planes of Mind which manifest as passions, emotions, and instincts.

 

(5) Human Mind (Utiwomuntu).

The planes of Mind which manifest as human consciousness, Intellect, higher emotions, etc.

 

(6) Spiritual Mind (Utiwetongo).

The higher planes manifesting Spiritual Consciousness.

 

(7) Itongo

The Ray, or spark of Universal Spirit which informs all lower manifestations.

 

My teacher (referring to Mandhlalangagave the following account of the Brotherhood in which he holds the rank of Master:

We call our Brotherhood, Bonaabakulu abaseKhemuusing the ancient Bantu speech which is the mother-tongue of the most widespread group of languages in the Continent. The name may be tendered in English as The Brotherhood of the Higher Ones of Egypt.

 

The Brotherhood was founded in Egypt in the reign of the Pharaoh Cheops; its founder being a priest of Isis. It has as its objects the spreading of the Wisdom which comes from of Old among all races and tribes in Africa, and the study and practice by its members of what we call Ukwazikwesithabangowhich means that science which depends on the power of thought. It is the only true science there is.

 

The following are the grades of the Brotherhood and some of the powers and functions they exercise.

(1) The Pupil.

The Pupil is one under probation which lasts from one to three years. During this time he is under instruction by a Master and subjects himself to certain disciplines. If found worthy he enters the Brotherhood as a Disciple, at the end of his period of probation. If unworthy he is dismissed back to the world.

 

(2) The Disciple.

The Disciple is an avowed member of the Brotherhood and subject to its disciplines. Under instruction he develops certain powers. That which in English is called “Mesmerism”, is usually one of the earliest to develop.

 

(3) The Brother.

A full member of the Order with many developed powers, of which I may mention, only, power of communication by thought with those of equal or higher development, and what European occultists term astral consciousness.

 

(4) The Elder. 

An advanced Brother.

 

(5) The Master. 

The teacher of all lower grades. The Master has many developed powers (clairvoyance and clairaudience on the Etheric Plane, and control in a certain degree of Master, among many others). Mastership can be attained only by one who in a past life has reached Elder brotherhood.

 

(6) Those who know (Isangoma).

Of these it is not permitted to speak save to say they have attained consciousness on the Plane of the Real Self. Only one who has reached Mastership in a previous life can gain Isangomanship.

 

Besides the above, we have lay Disciples and lay Brothers. They are men who are prevented by circumstances from becoming vowed to the Brotherhood. They are subject only to self-imposed disciplines and receive but such teaching as can be given from afar. We have many lay Disciples, not merely in Africa but in Asia, Europe and America. Lay Brothers, however, are but few, for without direct instruction from a Master few can reach this grade without incurring grave dangers. We constantly warn all unavowedDisciples against the danger of attempting to attain a brother’s powers, unaided by the direct instruction of a Master.

 

Let it not be thought that our Isangoma, elevated though they be, represent the supreme development possible to Man on the Physical Plane. It is not so. There are others, not of any Brotherhood, save the Brotherhood of All. We call them Abakhulubantu (that is, Supreme Ones, or Perfect Men). These are men for whom the necessity for rebirth has ceased. They dwell on earth in physical form by their own will, and can retain or relinquish that form as they choose. I speak of them but to assure the Pupil of their existence. Few, below the Grade of Master, have ever seen one in the flesh, though all, from Disciple upward, may meet them in the spirit.”

 

Of the occult powers wielded by Mandhlalanga and his fellow Master, I saw several examples, but of these I do not feel at liberty to speak here. The reader has had, already, sufficient food for thought. I shall conclude with a rather cryptic quotation from Mandhlalanga on The Source of the Brothers’ Power. Mandhlalanga had this to say: 

Of the source of the power we wield, the Pupil can learn but little until he attains Discipleship. But let him ponder this much. I have likened Individuality to whirlpools in the Cosmic Ocean. But all that Ocean has not been cast into individuality. Between the “whirlpools”, myriad though they be, stretch wide, smooth spaces, identical with them in composition. Now it can well be conceived that a “whirlpool” by setting up minor vibrations within itself may send out ripples through the smooth spaces which will strike upon and affect in some degree other “whirlpools”. All the “whirlpools” are constantly doing this. Now suppose a “whirlpool” to have gained power to control its internal vibrations and to send them pulsating through the Ocean towards whatever objective it desires, can you not see that it may produce upon that objective whatever effect it desires? Now think of the “whirlpool” as being a Man. Is it not clear that by getting full control of the vibrations of his higher planes, he may despatch through the Cosmic Ocean of which he is a part, ripples of various kinds and intensities, which, according to their nature and strength, will produce effects on all strata, from the highest, which is of course the most sensitive, even down to the “slime” and “mud” of the depths. 

 

There is abundant evidence that The Saying of the Ancient One came from ancient African wisdom tradition embodied in the Great Sphinx – the Mighty Altar that guards the Holy Land where the Nahar (Greek Nile) River meets the Mediterranean sea. Records still exist of great antiquity, preserved and partly disclosed, which contain ancient African wisdom.

  

Connection Between Bonaabakhulu BaseKhemu Brotherhood and AmaZulu

 

Bonaabakhulu basekhemu Brotherhood’ actually refers to the Zulu ancestors who were born and bred, lived and some died in ancient Egypt and some were dispersed throughout the whole world. They lived under and the reign of King Khufu of ancient Egypt. They served King Khufu

 

It is clear from the writings that the AmaZulu are the descendants of Horus Kings, and acquired their Khemetic and Gnostic philosophy from God Ptah (Hermes), through ancient Egyptian Mystery schools. That is why the ancient Zulu priests would conduct their affairs and always acknowledge their source of knowledge to Bonaabakhulu basekhemu’, meaning the Khemetic Mystery school priests of ancient Egypt, who were of Zulu/Bantu extraction.

 

The African brotherhood (Bonaabakhulu Abasekhemu) is considered the oldest and predate any treaceablelineage of every other religious tradition on earth today. It goes back to approximately 3900 BCE. The next closest tradition in terms of age would be Vedic tradition, which based on the Rig Veda, could be traced back to about 1500 BCE, and even the Vedic tradition would appear also to owe some of its spiritual science to Kamit or Nsemi. The earliest written parts of the Bible would have been written 1000 BCE, based on a tradition dating back to about 2000 BCE. Moses lived about 1300 BCE during AKHENATEN time. The Bonaabakhulu Abasekhemu Brotherhood of AmaZulu, South Africa trace their origin to a priest of Isis during the reign of Pharaoh Khufu of the 3rd dynasty (3900 BCE) and builder of the Great Pyramids. 

 

The genes of the South African Bonaabakhulu Abasekhemu Brotherhood are found in every tribe and nation throughout the great African continent, and indeed beyond. The Bonaabakhulu Abasekhemu Brotherhood are of the oldest group with traceable origin, and the fact that the name can be easily re-written in Kikongoas “Children of our ancestors, our father Creator” means that they strongly related not only to the KongoBantu people but also to the original man, Adam. 

Southern African records, which were destroyed by the Portuguese and others, revealed that the forebears of the builders of Maphungubwe and Great Zimbabwe, simply called The Builders, left behind them a family of Wise Ones who acted as teachers and priests.

 

The universalism of African culture and religion was highlighted by Theodore Besterman in his collected “Papers on the Paranormal (New York: Garrett 1968 p. 103). Besterman provides abundant evidence of the philosophy of reincarnation and the transmigration of souls in Africa. 

 

Ancient African wisdom survived the Roman, Arab and European plunder, slave trade and colonialism and remained to inform medieval African civilizations in Western, Central and Southern Africa.

 

The greatest exponent of the African doctrine of Divine Light (Kara) was the African Sage, Plotinus (204-270 AD). Plotinus, whose philosophy was misrepresented as neoplatonism, described the Divine Light (Kara) as the One Good or the Beauty and represented the spirit or word (Khem) of God (Ptah) upon the Chaos (Nun) created the universes and all animate and inanimate things. 

 

In other words, the motive force of all living and non-living things is the Word or Spirit of the Unknown and Unknowable God.

  

The Teachings of Bonaabakhulu baseKhem Brotherhod

The following were taught at mystery schools of ancient Egypt:

1. The interaction of the negative (Nut/Ntu) and positive (Ra) produced the triune principle ThauThaumaatkara (gr. Thaumturgewhich created twelve macrocosmic gods through a process of transformations and adaptations.  These celestial bodies constitute the macrocosmic universe. The macrocosmos replicated itself and produced the microcosmos which is structurally and substantially the same.  This relationship is embodied in the law of analogy which says “As Above, so Below”. According to this law, the macro-microcosmic order and all animate and inanimate things within it evolved from the One or the Good, and the mother thereof is the moon (Ma/Maia) and the father thereof is the sun (Ra), in short, Mara or Maria.

  

2. The ancient pillar (Zindj-ka-Fura) contains the totality of being which we must unpack in order to understand the nature of reality.

  

The Ancient Pillar consists of the following:

 

Kabachat/Mundu (ether)

= Manu (water)

Aakhet (fire)

Rastau (earth)

Amenti (air)

  

3. Both the Cube (Kaba) and ancient pillar (Zindj-ka-Fura) consists of four elements (water, fire, earth and air) and the fifth element (ether or quintessence) called Mundu or Kabachat.  The fifth element comprises:

Ka+ba+ chat = Kabachat

u + ndu = Mundu

u + ntu = Muntu

M + u + nhu = Munhu

o + tho = Motho

Mind  + thought + word = Higher Self

Spirit + soul+ reason   Higher Self

 

4The quintessential quality of the human personality is called Ubuntu, UbunduBotho etc. This ethereal (or quintessential) quality of the human personality is also shared by the word, or intelligence of the Unknown and Unknowable God ThauThaumaatkara or Usarmaatra: Usara + maat + ra               Usarmaatra

Mena maat + ra              Menmaatra

Nuba  maat + ra             Nubmaatra

ThauThau + maat + kara   ThauThaumaatkara

Ka + ba  chat                   Kabachat

M + u + ndu                          Mundu

M + u + ntu                         = Muntu

M + u + nhu                        Munhu

M + u thu                         Muthu

M + o + tho                          

 

5The inner human personality (i.e. divine spark, God within or indwelling spirit) is consubstantial with the universal word or intelligence of the Unknown and Unknowable God. 

 

Hence, the African Sage, ThauThau-Harama (Greek: Thoth-Hermes), said that the deceased are immortal gods and the living are mortal gods.

 

He proclaimed that the human being is the greatest miracle (magnum miraculum Homo Est). The adage was the foundational principle of African humanism which was adopted, adapted and distorted by European renascent philosophers.

  

6. Both theology and science are based on time, space and matter. Time flows from, and it is linked to, being, becoming and passing away.  Time, not being is recorded in calendars which relates to physical rather than the spiritual reality which inform them.

 

7All the western calendars are adaptations of the ancient African zodiac of Dandura (the Greek Dendera)which is substantially the same with the zodiac of Matendere which was found near Great Zimbabwe and taken to Cape Town Museum.  

 

The Danduran Zodiac comprises:

•        The Great Mother (Hathara)

•        The Great Bull (Hara)

•        The four cardinal gods or points (Kheru)

•        The seven cows (Het-heru)

•        The twelve divisions of heaven (Bemben) called zodiac (Bakare)

•        The twenty four divisions of heaven (24 hours) of the day

•        The thirty-six deacons divided into three ten days months (10 X 3 = 30)

•        The twelve divisions of heaven multiplied by 12 months of 30 days each (12 X 30 = 360 days)

•        The number 360 represents a circle or revolution called IAO (or Jah i.e. the beginning and the end) which reproduces five elements on five successive days.  These five days are called the birth days of the gods. 

 

These gods are:

1.     Usara (gr. Osiris)

2.     Sethe (gr. Set/Sutech/Satanuka)

3.     Usasi (gr. Isis)

4.     Naphta (gr. Nephtys).

 

Thus, the zodiacs of Dandura and Matendere give us a year of 365 days.

 

The IAO (or JahAbaraka or Abakara (Greek Abraxas) manifested itself as the lion or Leo (pard) known as the king (Fura or Kapha) of Ethiopia (African Atpu).  The King Kapha (Greek Caephus) became the prototype sacred (or divine) king of Ancient Africa (both Ethiopia and Egypt).  The concept Kara(or Raka) found expression in the Charaoh (Greek Chirho) monogram.

 

8The Karaite theology is embodied in the Sphinx (or Iynx) symbol also known as the Bemben (Latin. Bambino) stone, which represents the primal god’s child. The Sphinx is the only earthly symbol of the African Mystery God (IHVH) popularly known as Jah(u) or Jehovah.

 

Al-Karibuyan) which comprise:

•       P = God (Cube or ancient pillar)

•       Four Beasts before the throne of God which symbolize:

o       The four winds

o       The four cardinal points

o       The four rudders of heaven

o       The four gods which preside over the four quarters of the world

 

The Book of the African Sage ThauThau-Harama (Greek: Thoth-Hermes) which deals with God and celestial matters was adapted by the Essenes (a branch of the Great Kara Brotherhood) and renamed the Ethiopian Book of Enoch

  

9. The Bull of Heaven (IAO or Jah) divided itself into fourteen parts corresponding to the seven Pleiades stars and the seven outer planets which culminated into the universal word of intelligence called ThauThau-Harama (Greek Thoth-Hermes) who created the cube (Kaba) or ancient pillar (Zindj-ka-Fura) which reproduces all earthly life.

 

10. The fourteen parts of the One or the Good, plus the universal word or intelligence, constitute the fifteen descending lunar gods and their fifteen ascending lunar counterparts. Together these gods (15 + 15 = 30) constitute thirty (30) days of the lunar months.  In other words the thirty (30) lunar days determine the relationship of God, time and the human being.

 

The thirty (30) days of the lunar months correspond to the twelve divisions of heaven and add up to (30 x 12 = 360) days of the year. This annual cycle generated five gods on five successive days bringing the total number of a year to three hundred and sixty five. The number 360 represents evolution and involution (i.e. the beginning and the end). The number 5 (five) represents five constitutive principles of the ultimate reality.

 

 The Ultimate Reality

We have said God is unknown and unknowable. The first manifestation of God took the form of ten primal principles of being which culminated in the Great Mother (Hathara). 

 

The Great Mother (Hathara) generated the son (Hara or Kara) who came to be known as Karana (or Harana). 

 

The son (Karana or Harana) is symbolized by the three stars of the Orion (Urhana) belt also known as UsarmaatraNedemba (or Nedomba), Makolobeng, Luonde (i.e. the place of the pigs). 

 

The son was the triune principle which became the foundation of the law of generation which says in a right-angled triangle, the square on the hypotenuse is equal to the sum of the squares on the other two sides.

 

The Law of Squares

Usara2

Horus2

Osiris2

Ra2

Maat2 

a2                +          b2             =         c2

Usara2        +          maat2      =         Ra2

Nuba2        +          maat2      =         Ra2

Mena2        +          maat2      =         Ra2

Usara2        +          Usasi2     =         Hara2

Osiris2        +          Isis2         =         Horus2

Harana2     +          Mara2      =         Kara2

Mind2         +          soul2        =        word2

Spirit2         +          soul2        =        reason2

32                 +          42                    52

9                   +          16             =        25

25                 s25                      =       s25

                                                =       5

 

In this law of squares, the number 25 represents the 25 divisions of heaven and the number 5 represents the five constitutive principles of being.

 

The number five (5) represents the ether or quintessence and the four elements. Therefore, we talk about five elements. But the fifth element is a triune element comprising mind, thought and word or spirit, soul and reason. It therefore follows from this that the numbers 5 and 7 are substantially the same and are both vehicles of primal life.

 

Perhaps one needs to explain who was Hermes since he features quite a lot in this paper.

 

Who was Hermes?

The ancient Ethiopian founders of ancient Egypt introduced a theosophy (i.e. Divine wisdom) and sciences, which came to be attributed to the ancient Ethiopian (or black African) sage – Harama or (Thoth-Hemes). In other words the Hermetic philosophy and sciences, which were taught in dynastic Egypt came from Khem or ancient Ethiopia’.

He was an Ethiopian (black African) sage. Hermes Trismegistus, who the Greeks called Hermenubis or Thoth-Hermes, and was known to the Romans as Mercurius, while the Arabs and Jews called him Idris and Enoch who is the “Father of World Religions” wrote thousands of books, which are found in his collected work called “Corpus Hermeticum” which was found in his tomb by archaeologists. Forty (42) of these books later became a compulsory study for all those who entered the Order for priesthood. That was in the year 10 490 BC. Hermes developed what is now called the Hermetic Philosophy and Science.

 

There is much confusion in ancient and modern learned circles about who Hermes actually was. Scholars of mythology said he was just a myth, as was Mercury, his equivalent to the Romans. His Egyptian equivalent, say some scholars, was the Egyptian god “Thoth.” The god Thoth or Hermes, was the moon god, who was the god of time and of its divisions. He was the measurer and the god of measurements. He was also the conductor of the dead, and god of human Intelligence, to whom are attributed all the productions of human Art. To the pagan Egyptians, all the literature of Egypt is attributed to Hermes. All the writings that relate to the different sciences, mathematics, astronomy, medicine, and music of the Egyptians were called by the Greeks “The Hermetic Books.”
  In Greek mythology, Hermes was known as the son of Zeus and Maia. He was the god who invented dice, music, geometry, the interpretation of dreams, measures and weights, the arts, letters, etc. He was also regarded as the patron of public treaties, as the guardian of roads and writing. Thoth to the Egyptians was considered a great king, a teacher of mankind, who had left books of magic and mystery behind him. Numerous books of such a sort once existed in Egypt. Clement of Alexandria claimed he knew of 42 so-called Hermetic fragments which could be found in the works of StobaeusCyrillusSuides and Lactantus.
 The Hermetic Books fall into two groups: The first deals with Astrology, Alchemy, etc.; while the others are dialogues describing the soul’s regeneration in terms like the Cabala. This is the blasphemous doctrine that man can reach perfection through his own efforts by journeying through the higher spheres of knowledge, then after death, become God. Tradition says the Egyptian mysteries were a key to a complete knowledge of the Universe and man. And this so-called knowledge was preserved in these Hermetic books which were believed for centuries to be written by Hermes Trismegistus. These books were universally accepted among the doctors of occultism as authentic books of Hermes until the early 17th century, when they were proven to be a fraud. They had actually been written as late as the second and third centuries AD, by a succession of anonymous Greeks living in Egypt.
  However, even though these Hermetic Books were not directly from Hermes, as the occultists said, there are still some interesting facts to learn about who Hermes was, this legendary god of wisdom. To start, we need to take a deeper look at the other gods of the Orient who were the Eastern equivalent to the Western god Hermes. They were known in history as Nebo (Nabu) and Eel. Alexander Hislop, who spent years tracing down ancient gods to Babylonian origin, has some very interesting facts compiled from the ancient past in his book The Two Babylons. In this book Hislop states the following: 


 

 If Ninus was Nimrod, who was the historical Eel? He must have been Cush; for Cush begetNimrod (Gen. 10:8), and Cush is generally represented as having been a ringleader in the great apostacy. But again, Cush, as the son of Ham was Hermes or Mercury; for Hermes is just an Egyptian synonym for the “son of Ham.” Now, Hermes was the great original prophet of idolatry; for he was recognized by the ancient Egyptians as the author of their religious rites, and theinterpreter of the gods.”
 To the occultist, tradition says the Egyptian Mysteries were a key to a complete knowledge of the Universe and of man. But the truth is, Egypt received its knowledge of the ancient Mysteries from Babylonia. In the traditions of the ancient writers, Ninus is said to be the son of Eel who Gesenius the ancient scribe identifies as Nebo, the Babylonian prophetic god. And Hyginus, another ancient scribe, shows that Nebo was Mercury. And, Hyginus tells how a similar legend was written about the confusion of tongues as stated in the Bible. Hyginus is quoted by Hislop:
  “For many ages men lived under the government of Jove (evidently not the Roman Jupiter, but Jehovah of the Hebrews), without cities and without laws, and all speaking one language. But, after that Mercury interpreted the speeches of men (whence an interpreter is called Hermeneutes), the same individual distributed the nations, then discord began.”
  Now the ancient Egyptians often named places, cities, and towns after their chief gods. A mount called Nebo east of Jordan over against Jericho, in Moab, part of the Abarim range, with a top called Pisgah, is where our Lord told Moses to view the land which he couldn’t enter because of his transgression. The word “Nebo” means height.
 The word “Baal” means Lord, but the name “Eel” means “The Confounder”. The ancients often got the two names Baal and Eel mixed up as do modern scholars today. The Scriptures themselves show that Baal and Eel were two distinct gods with two distinct names. In Jeremiah 50:2; 51:44 we read: “Declare ye among the nations, and publish, and set up a standard; publish and conceal not; say, Babylon is taken, Eel is confounded, Merodach is broken in pieces, her idols are confounded, her images are broken in pieces.” “And I will punish Eel in Babylon, and I will bring forth out of his mouth that which he hath swallowed up: and the nations shall not flow together any more unto him: yea, the wall of Babylon shall fall.”
 Now, Eel the Confounder or, in other words, the god of confusion, was himself to be confounded by the destruction of Babylon, the origin of all pagan religions. Today, the city of Babylon is just as it was predicted to be, and now is a symbol of religious confusion throughout the world which will, in these last closing days, unite under one banner.
 To the Romans the god Eel, who actually was Nimrod’s father Cush, was worshipped as Janus, the two faced god, the god of gods. 

 

Ancient Egypt was founded by Hermes (of Ancient Ethiopia)

The name of Cush is also ‘Khus‘ for ‘sh‘ frequently passes in into s; and Khus. Nebo and Eel are synonymous. And the symbol of this god (the club) is called the hammer in Scripture.

 

The word Her is synonymous with Ham, or Khem – the burnt one. This name formed a foundation for covertly identifying Ham with the Sun, and so deifying the Patriarch after whose name the land of Egypt was called. The Scriptures themselves state that Egypt was founded by Ham. “Israel also came into Egypt; and Jacob sojourned in the Land of Ham.” “Her is the name of Horus, who is identified with the Sun, which shows the real etymology of the name to be from the verb to which I have traced it. 

 

Then, secondly, ‘Mes‘ is from Mesheh for, without the last radical, which is omissible. Mesh, ‘to draw forth.’ 
 What all this means is “Mes” was used by the ancient Egyptians to show the genealogy of the name applied. This will explain the Egyptian names of Kings of Egypt such as Rameses, which means “The Son of Ra,” who was the Egyptian Sun-god, whose incarnation was “Osiris.” Hence, “Hermes” or “Her-Mes” means “The Son of Her,” or Ham, who was Cush. “And the sons of Ham: Cush, Mizraim, and Phutand Canaan.”
  Now it was really Cush who was worshipped as Hermes, Eel, Nebo, Mercury, etc., that was generally represented by the ancients as their god who was the author of Astrology, Magic, Spiritualism, etc. 

 

Hermes”In all the old manuscripts and records which contain the legend of the craft, mention is made of Hermes as one of the founders of masonry”. There are two persons of the name of Hermes mentioned in sacred history. The first is the divine Hermes called by the Romans Mercury. Among the Egyptians he was known as Thoth. Diodorus Siculus describes him as the secretary of Osiris; he is commonly supposed to have been the son of Mizaim, and some say he was the same as Osiris. 
The second was Hermes Trismegistus or Thrice Great, who was a celebrated Egyptian legislator, priest, and philosopher, who lived in the reign of Ninus, about the year 2670 (BC). He is said to have written thirty six books on theology and philosophy, and six upon medicine, all of which are lost. There are many traditions of him; one of which, related by Eusebius, is that he introduced hieroglyphics into Egypt. This Hermes Trismegistus, although the reality of his existence is doubtful, was claimed by the alchemists as the founder of their art, whence it is called the Hermetic science, and whence we get in masonry, Hermetic degrees. And whence we get in Masonry, Hermetic rites and Hermetic degrees. The legend of the craft in the old constitutions refer to Nimrod who was first to teach the arts of masonry! Now here lies a key to understanding the mysterious rituals of Freemasonry. Just as the women who worshipped Thammuz were led to weep for the god because in the myth all the images wept for him, so does the Freemason mimic the myths of the Sun-godsduring their Hermetic Rituals. Just as the Roman Catholic is taught to mimic the death of Jesus Christ during Holy Week, so does Freemasonry imitate most of the myths of Baal worship. Here from their own publications we will learn the real purposes and goals of the leaders of Freemasonry.
 

 

 

Conclusion 

It is clear from this that the history and nature of Bonaabakhulu baseKhem Brotherhood originated from ancient Egypt, and that it trained those carefully selected few to become Izangoma. You start as a Ithwasa and graduate into becoming a Sangoma. A Sangoma should be fully possessed with Itongo spirit. In Zulu we say: Ungenwe yithongo or idhlozi.

 

Secondly, clearly there is a connection amongst the ancient Zulus, ancient Ethiopians (Nubians) ofancient Sudan or Nubia, Hermes, Pharaoh Khufuetc (see my article ‘Beyond UMnguni – Our PrimvalFather’, 2015 by Bhengu).


If we are to believe what Bowen says about Mankanyezi’s origin and race, then we are, logically speaking, influenced to believe the argument that says the AbeNguni/Zulus originate from ancient Egypt, and they actively participated in the civilization of ancient Egypt.

 

REFERENCES

 

Books and Articles

 

Besterman, T., 1968, Papers on the Paranormal, New York 

 

Bhengu M.J., 2014., AmaZulu: Ancient Egyptian Origin, second edition, Mepho Publishers, Durban. 

 

See also Bhengu’s article ‘Beyond UMnguni – Our Primeval Father (2015), published in Bhengu’sblog (www.jbhengu@wordpress.com)

 

Bowen P.G., (n.d.The Sayings of the Ancient One, Rider & Co, Paternoster House, Paternoster Row, London EC4).

 

Joseph H. and Cranston S.L., 1977., Reincarnation – The Phoenix Fire Mystery Julian Press/ Crown Publishers Inc. New York 1977 p. 190-191).

 

 Mutwa. V. C. (2003) Zulu Shaman: Dreams, Prophecies and Mysteries, Destiny Books, Rochester, New York


National Geographic: Culture RecordThe Zulu Nation in South Africa Record.  Ethnologue Language  Family Tree Record National Geographic: Culture RecordThe Zulu Nation in South Africa Record.  Ethnologue Language Family Tree Record    

 

Nabudere N., 2008: Towards an Afrikology of Knowledge Production and African Regeneration. The Marcus-Garvey Pan-Afrikan Institute, Uganda.

 

Ngubane J.K. 1979. The Conflicts of Mind, Book in Focus, USA, New York       

 

The Quantum Vision of Simon Kimbangu, 1921.

 

Internet

http://www.studiesincomparativereligion.com,

 

         http://www.kara.co.za/home.htm

 

        http://www.z2a.co.za/iks/programme.htm


       Studies in Comparative Religion, Vol. 3, No. 2. (Spring 1969) © World       Wisdom, Inc.

 

The Bible

Psalms 105:23, 27

 

Isaiah 46:1, 

 

Jeremiah 50:23.

 

Romans 1:23, 24

 

 







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DEEPENING AFRICA’S ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: AN AFRICAN PERSPECTIVE

East African Community Regional Conference: Development, Growth and Power of the GDP: An African Philosophical Grounding.

DEEPENING AFRICA’S ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: AN AFRICAN PERSPECTIVE

Kampala, Uganda: 21 – 24 August 2014

Mfuniselwa Bhengu
Founding Director: Africa Institute for Cultural Economy

Beating the West at its own game, argues Ashis Nandy (1983), is the preferred means of handling the feelings of selfhatred in the modernized nonWest, there is also the West constructed by the savage outsider who is neither willing to be a player nor a counter player’. The on-going struggle among Africans to overhaul and re-engineer the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) methodology, is a struggle to beat the West at its game. Unlike ‘the banditkings who robbed, maimed, killed and colonized’, and further, ‘faced and expected to faceother civilizations with their versions of middle kingdoms and barbarians; the pure and the impure; the kafirs and the moshreks’ (Nandy, 1982, Hoppers, 2008), Africans are waging a sophisticated revolution, and this conference bears the testimony to that.

Nkrumah (1963 : xvi) was even more emphatic when he said that “Imperialism is still a most powerful force to be reckoned with in Africa. It controls our economies. It operates on a world-wide scale in combinations of many different kinds: economic, political, cultural, educational, military; and through intelligence and information services. It is creating client states, which it manipulates from the distance. It will distort and play upon, as it is already doing, the latent fears of burgeoning nationalism and independence. It will, as it is already doing, fan the fires of sectional interests, of personal greed and ambition among leaders and contesting aspirants to power”. Since imperialism still controls our economies in Africa, we are, therefore, challenged to confront it until it is defeated.

Economic Development Challenges in Africa
Whilst trapped within the colonial economic paradigm, Africa is slowly but surely making some strides in some certain services such as extending education, health, agriculture, politics, governance, democracy, etc., but the level of economic growth is still very minimal. The problem is how to sustain that minimal growth. There is a close relationship between policies that make growth more inclusive and policies that are likely to sustain growth.

Writing in The Thinker magazine, Vol.60/2014 – Quarter 2, Trevor Manuel (former South African Minister of Finance) argues that there have been steady improvements in the last twenty years. On the other hand the World Bank says the number of people in Sub-Saharan Africa living on less than $1,25 a day fell by about ten percentage points between 2001 and 2012. This small growth suggests that Africa is facing many challenges.

The extraction of minerals is not an end in itself, rather it is an important means to an end. This means a country has to be able to exploit its present comparative advantages to generate the resources to invest in new capabilities and skills to be able to move up the value chain. Secondly, African countries must be able to attract foreign investments into the natural resource sectors, but this must not translate into the exploitation of the African people, but it must improve the well-being of the people. African natural resources are not there to satisfy the needs of the foreign investors.

The 54 African countries in our continent need to consider the importance of integrated regional economies and encourage intra-African trade. As of today, many countries in a region export similar products and hence trade between countries on the continent is limited. As countries move up the value chain and diversify, there will be a more organic demand for trade across regions.

One of the challenges that Africa can and must construct is that of its Regional Economic Communities. In spite of their long existence through the Lagos Plan and the Abuja Treaty, with notable exceptions, these have not developed as was intended. The aim of all of this was designed to promote economic, social and cultural development, as well as African economic integration, as a means to increase self-sufficiency.

Intra-African Trade
Africa still accounts for a very small percentage of global trade. In terms of the trade share in global goods, it accounts for only 1,8% of imports and 3,6% of exports. The share of trade between African countries has declined from 22,4% in 1997 to around 12% in 2011 (African Centre for Economic Transformation. 2014 African Transformation Report: Growth with Depth). Whilst this decline can be attributed to the rapid increase of African trade with the rest of the world, argues Sinethemba Zonke (2014), African countries haven’t been able to take advantage of high growth rates by expanding with each other.

The level of intra-regional trade in Asia has played a substantial role in creating sustainable economic growth. Intra-regional trade has varied across Africa’s regional economic communities (REC’s), with trade blocks accounting for a greater percentage of continental trade. This highlights the important role RECs have played in bringing African markets closer together.

A common critique of Africa’s recent growth, argues Zonke, spurt is that it has been limited to a number of mineral and primary commodities which have been exported to regions outside the continent. Even within the category of primary and mineral commodities, African countries trade little with each other. This exposes an uncomfortable truth about Africa, in that its still stuck in the colonial mode, with its raw material only extracted to meet the needs of foreign markets.

The structure of African economies, with their reliance on primary commodities exports, has left the region extremely vulnerable to external global shocks. Africa’s growth in the past decade has been closely linked to China’s economic boom. With a slowdown in the Asian economy, demand for Africa’s commodities may begin tapering.

Presently Africa’s fractured into 51 diverse markets, argues Zonke, with populations of fewer than 10 million people. The gross domestic products of some of these national fall below the revenues of certain Fortune 500 companies.

Therefore, regional integration is imperative for expanding trade across the continent. By integrating, Africa would be able to unlock its full market potential.

An African Perspective of African Economic Development
Let us get the wisdom from our political forefathers, and this is what Nkrumah said in 1963: “Since our inception, we have raised as a cardinal policy, the total emancipation of Africa from colonialism in all its forms. To this we have added the objective of the political union of African states as the securest safeguard of our hard-won freedom and the soundest foundation for our individual, no less than our common, economic, social and cultural advancement”.

Nkrumah’s ‘Africa Must Unite’ remains a classic of its time, contains analyses of Africa’s position in the world economy., much of which would not look out of place today. It is either unity or poverty.

Five decades later, in spite of the development of several regional trading blocs on the continent, the dream of African economic unity and increasing strength within the world economy, seems a very long way away. Africa’s share of the world trade has declined over this period from 4% to 2% while the continent’s share of world GDP has also declined from 2,1% to 1,7%. These developments come at a time when not only is there increasing evidence that neo-colonialism has not been overcome but that neo-liberal economics has made a considerable contribution to keeping neo-colonialism alive. The challenge of African unity is also a challenge to the failed neo-liberal economics of the last three and a half decades.

The bulk of Africa’s exports are raw materials. Moreover, the hare of primary commodities in African exports is increasing: from 72 to 78% over the first eleven years of this century, argues Peter Lawrence in The Thinker magazine (Vol. 60/2014pg 36). Conversely, the share of manufacturing goods in total trade dropped from 21 to 16% while oil, the most important export, increased its share of trade value from 51 to 57% over the same period. While Europe and the US are still the main consumers its share of Africa’s export consumption from just under 5% in 2000 to almost 29% in 2011. Manufacturing as a proportion of GDP was only more than 15% in three countries, as compared with seven in 2000. Manufacturing was the key and this could start with the processing of the hitherto only exported raw materials. As Nkrumah noted: “In a country whose output of cocoa is the largest in the world, there was not a single chocolate factory (1963, 26-27)

Even now Ghana processes very little of its cocoa output with a small market and the dominance of the major multinationals in the global market.

It is by now a truism that decolonization meant for African countries that they became politically independent but remained economically dependent on their former colonizers.

The East African Community of Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda and Rwanda attempted such a path with an industrial strategy that aimed to distribute industrial projects throughout the community. However, the context in which this kind of intra-African cooperation was taking place was in a world structured North-South rather than South-South, which is to say that the international corporations which supplied the industrial physical capital had their own strategies.

The population of liberated continental Africa is now around one billion and in real terms, that is, taking inflation into account, there has been little change in real continental GDP and a substantial decline in per capita income, given the more than threefold increase in population. The EU population is over 500 million with a GDP per capita of $33, 000 and a total GDP 13 times greater than that of Africa, and the market is dominated by very few large corporates. On the basis of these calculations African integration and unity is just as an imperative

It is, therefore, very prudent for the Friedrick-Ebert Stiftung together with the EAC to call for a conference of this nature to begin to do something along the lines of seeking an alternative, inclusive and broad-based economic model, not for Africa only, but for the entire globe.

We are, therefore, here today, in Uganda, to search for an alternative GDP methodology.

The complexity of the current global economy has to do with certain fundamental disjunctures between economy, culture, and politics that we have only begun to theorize.

The Berlin Conference of 1884–1885 legitimised the creeping European economic and political dominance in Africa and obstructed the normal historical thrust and continuity of African societies, whether in cultural developments, economic growth, or state-building. With an unquestioned belief in their own self-righteousness and the depravity of Africans, Europeans were determined to change indigenous institutions and behavior and thus saw themselves as agents of civilization. This meant that Africans had to be taught different values, goals, and modes of behavior. This was a deliberate destruction of African cultural values and customs. This was probably the greatest legacy Europeans left in Africa. The deliberate destruction of African cultural values resulted in the seperation of African culture and imposed-economics. European economism is embedded in European culture, whilst Africa economincs, since it was imposed on Africans, remains seperated from their culture (see Bhengu’s writings: Africa Institute for Cultural Economy, 2013 – 2014). Such a vaccuum definitely creates problems for Africans. Prof Herbert Vilakazi (2005), Karl Polanyi (1944), George Ayitteyi (2005) Adedeji (1982), Nkrumah (1963), Huntington (1966) elaborate more on this point.

As a result, Africans had to abandon a lot of their values, including their ways of doing trade and business, and they were forced to do trade and business in European-cultural ways, rather than in their own local African ways. This change created problems for African economy, since European values of doing business are not compatible to African values. Hence, people want to emancipate themselves not just from poverty and shrinking opportunities, but from governance systems that do not allow them meaningful voice and responsibility. This conference is about developing our own economic utopia for EAC.

For Africa to have a real economic emancipation, it has to have her own economic philosophy developed within an African idiom.

Aristotle argued that man was not an economic being but a social being. Man’s economy was, as a rule, submerged in social relations. Man’s approach was sociological. For him, community, self-sufficiency and justice were focal concepts.

Prof. Adebayo Adedeji, former Secretary for African Economic Community (AEC), argued that Africa continues to be in search of a development paradigm that would rid it of abject poverty, the bug of disease and the quagmire of ignorance after over four decades of such endeavours. In pursuit of that goal a series of theories and concepts of development have been advanced, and tried to no avail. Most of them have been grounded in Western political and development traditions that failed to take cognizance of Africa’s cultural and historical background.

Adedeji’s advocacy of holistic human development is based on the general concept that society can only develop with the mobilization of its people: hence Africa would need to set in motion a process that puts the individual at the very centre of a development effort that is both human and humane, without necessarily softening the discipline that goes with development and enhances the human personality.

Such a development process, argues Adedeji (1982), should not alienate the African from his society and culture but rather develop his self-confidence and identify his interest with those of his society, thereby strengthening his capacity. This is exactly what the modern economics do to an African, and the challenge for us all is how do we embed the modern economics into our African culture and society.

Huntington (1996) argued very directly that ‘for an African civilization to have universal power, it would have to have a strong African-oriented economic philosophy, rooted in an African idiom. We believe that Africa has a relatively strong universal power, but still economically weak’.

But the fundamental challenge we are faced with, firstly, is that we need to find out why is it that Africa is still economically weak? Secondly, if we want to achieve a ‘universal power’ we need to have a relevant consciousness. The question is: Do we have such a consciousness? Thirdly, has the time not come for Africa to have her own pan-African economic philosophy?. We need to deliberate on these questions until we come to a solution.

What I would like to emphasize is the fact that it is wrong for Western modern economy to separate economics from culture. In our African situation, it is highly advisable to embed the economy in an African culture.

We need to ask ourselves these questions:
Why is it that the Eurocentric capitalism has failed to thrive in an African setting? We would like to know how does the East African Community view this situation?

Why is it that it is only the Third World countries that have a dual economy syndrome? What is the situation in East African Community regarding dual economy syndrome? Is there a regional plan to address this?

This failure to reconcile indigenous economic relations with exogenous economic values has led to a situation of two economies, i.e. the First Economy and the Second Economy. Does East African Community experience this problem?. By First economy we mean the white man’s colonial economy, and by Second Economy we mean an African indigenous economy, as we find them in Spaza shops, taxis, etc.

The ascendancy of Western neo-liberal economics, simultaneously with colonialism, on the African continent, African ethics and economic relations were dislocated and put almost into non-existence. African countries and Africans in general, were forced to embrace Western capitalism holus bolus, and as such, a vacuum was created in the African economic system.

For me, this is a clash of two civilizations, and our challenge is to reconcile these two civilizations. Therefore, the constitutive rules of the Bretton Woods conference of 1944 have to be overhauled, including, the GDP methodology, but what is GDP?

The Bretton Woods Legacy & GDP
According to Lorenzo Fioramonti (2013) the GDP measures the value of goods and services produced every three months, and can be represented by the following formula:
GDP = Consumption + Investment + Government spending + eXports – iMports.

Since the creation of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in the 1930s and further reinforced in 1944, economists who are familiar with GDP methodology have emphasized that the GDP is a measure of economic activity, not economic well-being. It is a formula used to determine the size and scope of a country’s economy, created by adding together the total amount of money earned or spent on goods and services produced by citizens of the country.

The use of GDP globally as a measure of economic progress was further strengthened as a result of the Bretton Woods Conference held at New Hamshire, USA, in 1944, a response to the Second World War, since there was a great deal of economic instability in a number of countries caused by unstable currency exchange rates and discriminatory trade practices that discouraged international trade. In order to avoid a recurrence of such instability, leaders of the 44 allied nations who gathered in Bretton Woods, resolved to create a process for international co-operation on trade and currency exchange and to “speed economic progress everywhere, aid political stability and foster peace” and improving economic well-being.
The key outcomes, then, were the establishment of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD—now part of the World Bank). The IMF was created as a forum for collaborative management of international monetary exchange and for stabilization of the exchange rates of countries’ currencies.
The World Bank was established to provide investment funds for infrastructure reconstruction and development in war-torn areas and less developed nations in areas such as Latin America. In theory, the governing structures of these institutions were supposed to provide an equal voice to all member countries. In practice, because of its political and economic strength following, the Second World War, the US dominated both institutions. As a result, the US dollar, economy, and economic policies became the de facto standards against which other countries were compared.

Therefore, over a long time of economic growth – measured by GDP – it has become the sine qua non for economic progress. Today GDP and economic growth in general is regularly referred to by leading economists, politicians, top-level decision-makers, and the media as though it represents overall progress.

Criticisms of the GDP and Need for Transformation
Every country, particularly, in Africa, has what is known as an “underground economy,” which is defined as transactions between two parties that are not reported to the government. In South Africa, this underground economy is referred to as the “Second Economy”. As the government has no real means of tracking these dealings, they are not included in the calculations, and this missing information is one of many limitations of GDP. In some areas of the world, the underground economy makes up a large part of the amount of gross domestic product that a country generates. Oftentimes, with the lack of information regarding a country’s underground economy, many places technically have a higher GDP than what is reported.

GDP doesn’t account for quality of goods: Consumers may buy cheap, low-quality, short-lived products repeatedly instead of buying more expensive, longer-lasting goods. Over time, consumers could spend more replacing cheap goods than they would have if they had bought higher-quality goods in the first place, and GDP would grow as a result of waste and inefficiency.

While the GDP can be a good indication of how well a country is doing financially, there are several limitations of the GDP. One of the most important limitation is that the number usually provided by the GDP does not take into account the citizens’ quality of life, or how producing the products and services that make up the GDP impacts on the environment, and, therefore, the resources, of the country. This number also does not factor in financial transactions that are not reported to the government, making the reported GDP often lower than what it is in reality.

The current GDP formula fails, for example, to measure life expectancy, infant and maternal mortality, education, literacy, public health, etc.

A high GDP does not necessarily indicate a sound economy, since GDP does not measure the long-term sustainability of visible growth. A country, for example, may have a very low savings rate and/or misdirected investments; and thus will show an artificially high GDP number. Then the question is: What’s the point of measuring growth if we can’t tell whether that growth is sustainable over the long or even medium term?

The current GDP measures everything except that which makes life worthwhile.”

There is a significant agreement that the GDP provides a distorted view of trends in economic performance.

The problem lies in the conventional assumption that GDP growth is equivalent to progress and national wellbeing. GDP does not measure standard of living or societal wellbeing, as an index of economic output. The GDP mainly measures a country’s economy and is used as a measure for economic growth patterns. It does not capture the societal value of government services, which contribute to societal welfare, as well as issues affecting the wellbeing of citizens such as air pollution, or leisure.

The Way Forward
The time has come that the GDP measurements are revised, transformed and made relevant to our African setting. We need a GDP that will look into the performance of both the First economy and the Second economy.
We need a GDP that will look into the informal economy. We need GDP measures that will measure economic activity and changes in community capital—natural, social, human, and even the extent to which development is using up the principle of community capital rather than living off its interest.

Right now, the GDP methodology works against the values of our African metaphysics and cosmology, particularly Ubuntu philosophy. It is divisive, in that it caters only for the ‘developed’ countries, but not for the under-developing countries. The GDP methodology right now is not inclusive and not collective, which means it is still informed by its Western perspective of individualism, as against African perspective of collectivism.
Therefore, to determine an alternative GDP methodology, that will take into account the African setting, requires a thorough research, where we would reconcile the two perspectives, and then come up with something new and unique – something that will be globally acceptable.

Africa would need to come up with her own GDP methodology strategy of measuring her own economy. An African-oriented GDP must be able to measure the underground economy. It must be able to measure our second economy. Without measuring the second economy, the current GDP methodology does not give us the true picture of our African economy

Our African-oriented GDP methodology will have to talk to our African metaphysics, our norms and our values. It must clearly tell us, Africans, why the current economic model is not embedded in our peoples’ culture, so that we would know where exactly lies the problems of economic growth?. It must clearly tell us why do we have, in Africa, a dual economy syndrome – a phenomenon that is not found in developed countries?

Therefore, the time has come for the GDP measurement system to shift emphasis from measuring economic production to measuring people ́s well-being, and we need this urgently. Measuring people’s well-being, will be the birth of another human future. A future based on inclusion, not exclusion; on reclaiming the commons, not their enclosure; on freely sharing the earth’s resources, not monopolizing and privatizing them.

Ubuntu Paradigm
With this new stream, argues Catherine Odora Hoppers (2008, Kelvin Conference Centre, University of Glasgow), there is a growing maturity of dialogue that is not the result of a paradigm shift, but is the shift itself. Thus, from the ignorance and depreciating ideology along with social theories that claimed ‘terra nullius’ as a convenient rationalization for colonization and ill treatment, there is a need for honest need for those knowledge systems themselves, not just the recognition that they exist. The knowledge paradigms of the future are beginning by reaching out to those excluded, epistemologically disenfranchised, to move together towards a new synthesis, that recognizes the existence of indigenous knowledge systems.

In this synthesis, ‘empowerment’, which is usually more about resuming power (because power is never voluntarily relinquished), it is recognized that shifting of power without a clear shift of paradigms of understanding that makes new propositions about the use of that power in a new dispensation leads to vicarious abuse of power by whoever is holding it – old or new. Our new synthesis must be anchored on Ubuntu/Maat (Asante, M.K., 1990; Ramose, M. B., 1996)

Africa and the world are slowly beginning to recognize the value and potential of Ubuntu, as the root of African philosophy and being. It is the wellspring that flows within African existence and epistemology in which the two aspects Ubu and Ntu constitute a wholeness and oneness. Thus Ubuntu expresses the oneness of a being human, and thus cannot be fragmented because it is continuous and always in motion.

As a creative being, umuntu (a human person) is a maker of his/her world, which constantly emerges and constantly changes. In his/her existence, umuntu is the creator of politics, religion, economics and law. Through these creative activities, umuntu gains experience, knowledge and a philosophy of life based on truth. The Gross Domestic Product (GDP) phenomenon was created by a simply human being in the early 1930s in the United States of America (USA).

Therefore, Ubuntu guides the thinking and actions of Africans, and must therefore be found in their lived historical experiences and not from philosophical abstractions that have very little meaning in actual life. This is where African philosophy differs remarkably from Western philosophies.
Therefore in his existence and being, umuntu strives to create conditions for his/her existence with other beings for, as the Zulu proverb says: “umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu”, which literary means: “a person is a person through other persons.” This belief therefore prescribes Ubuntu as “being with others.” The Sotho people say ‘motho ke motho ka batho’. To achieve this togetherness, reconciliation with those “others” becomes a continuous necessity of being (Bhengu, 2006)

Ubuntu, unlike the GDP methodology, is inclusive in nature as it considers all members of the community (organisation) as one entity aiming at achieving one purpose. There have been assertions that the ultimate success of any organisation operating in an African environment is premised on this Ubuntu framework, and it is a widely accepted belief that it is high time that this concept be given a meaningful chance. It is within this context that the current GDP mechanism has to be overhauled and reengineered so that it could talk to our African settings.

Ubuntu Economic Constitutive Rules
In our search for an inclusive economic model, as we are doing here in Uganda today, we need to remember that an African is not a rugged individual, but a person within a community.

Ubuntu, which is the art of being human, teaches us concepts such as: respect, trust, compassion, sharing, caring and, above all, how to promote the good of a community and all its members. This notion refers to the principle of communalism, or living collectively, with the objective to ensure that no one falls too far behind anyone else. Collectivism associated with harmony and cooperation means working for the benefit of the whole, based on a long-term vision, rather than the benefit of constantly changing individuals. Unlike capitalism, an economy of any given country must serve the people of that country equally. This means that the economy of the East African Community must benefit everybody: urban or rural; black and white. It means there must be one single economy, not a double economy. We can, then, pose a question: Does the present GDP methodology work within this context or within another context.

Ubuntu can positively contribute to the socio-economic development of our post-colonial Africa and even give her a competitive edge in the world markets. This should particularly be so within economic and business enterprises whereby the Western based techniques of economics alone have been and remain inadequate to overcome the performance challenges. Hence if such techniques are not strategically fused with the innovative African practices and processes anchored in Ubuntu value system, they would only help to achieve competitive parity as opposed to competitive advantage.

The following constitutive rules, can hardly be measured by the GDP, but an Ubuntu-inspired GDP can easily measure them, thus fulfilling what is lacking in the present GDP methodology – that of measuring the well being of a society, rather than economic activities alone:
An action is good if it preserves the totality, fullness and the harmonious life of a human person; but an action is bad if it has a more or less decided tendency to break into and narrow the totality and fullness of humanism (Ubuntu) and its content.

A restriction on individual’s economic activity places severe constraints on the economic welfare of the whole society. If the individual prospered, so too did his extended family and the community.

An individual could prosper so long as his pursuit of prosperity does not harm or conflict with the interests of the community. The society’s interests are paramount. Unless an individual’s pursuit of prosperity conflicted with society’s interests, the chief or king had no authority to interfere with it.

Securing of the maximum satisfaction of the constantly rising material and cultural requirements of the whole of society through the continuous expansion and perfection of Ubuntu and higher techniques;

Any maximum profit must be equal to a maximum satisfaction of the material and cultural requirements of society;

Any maximum profit must be equal to an unbroken expansion of production, and

Any maximum profit must be equal to an unbroken process of perfecting production on the basis of higher techniques.

Ubuntu Business Management Principles
The move to dilute the hegemonic dominant economic paradigm is on in a big way, and our African scholars have made a stride in developing Ubuntu-oriented business management principles that aim at effecting the ease with which to infuse Ubuntu into the present unsatisfactory economy:
The principle of morality, which believes that no institution can attain its highest potential without touching its moral base.

The principle of interdependence, which believes that the task of wealth creation in a world of want and poverty requires the collective co-operation of all the stakeholders in the enterprising community.

The principle of the spirit of man, which believes that a man is entitled to unconditional respect and dignity, and organizations must work in harmony with him in the spirit of service and harmony. Organisations that fail to do this, cease to exist.

The principle of totality, which believes that the essence of collective participation in the creation of enterprising communities in Africa is crucial, because the building of a world-class organisation requires everyone in the organisation.

Therefore, in developing the East African Community utopia, it would be advisable, as Huntington (1996) warns us, to place everything we are doing and thinking, within an African idiom, and Ubuntu serves that purpose fully. Remember that Africa is a civilization without a universal power, but for Africa to attain that level of being a universal power, among other universal powers, Africa needs to have its own African-oriented economic philosophy – inspired by its own African economic humanism. To achieve this, we need a solid consciousness similar to the one promoted by King Senzangakhona’s court poet, when he said:
O Menzi, scion of Jama,
A cord of destiny let us weave,
That to universes beyond the reach of spirit-forms
We may ascend.
——————————————————————————————————-

REFERENCES
Adebayo A., 2000., Development and Economic Growth in Africa to the Year 2000, 1982.

African Centre for Economic Transformation. 2014., African Transformation Report: Growth With Depth

African Union Commission. Status of Integration in Africa 2013 (SIA 1V). 3, 6, 7, 8 & 10. UNCTAD. “Intra-African Trade: Unlocking Private Sector Dynamism” in Economic Development in Africa Report 2013, 4,&5. Anyawnwu, John (2014), African Development Bank Group. Does Intra-African Trade Reduce Youth Unemployment in Africa?

Ayitteyyi G., Africa Unchained, 2005, U.S.A.

Asante, M. K., 1990). Kemet, Afrocentricity and knowledge. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press.

Basil D., Africa in Modern History, 1978

Bob E., The Capitalism Delusion, 2009, New York

Commission on Growth and Development. 2008. The Growth Report: Strategies for Sustained Growth and Inclusive Development. Washington, DC: World Bank.

Dalton G., 1975, Economic Systems and Society

Diop, C. A., 1974. African origin of Civilisation: Myth or Reality, Lawrence Hill Books, Chicago.

Economics Foundation. Max-Neef, M. 1995. Economic growth and quality of life: a threshold hypothesis.

Fioramonti, L., 2013 Gross Domestic Problem: The Politics Behind the World’s Most Powerful Number, Zed Books, South Africa.

Odora Hoppers C.A. 2007. Knowledge, Democracy and Justice in a Globalizing World. Nordisk Pedagogik. Vol 27. pp: 38-53. Oslo

Wallerstein I., 2003., Historical Capitalism and Capitalist Civilisation

World Bank. 1997. World Development Report: The State in a Changing World. New York: Oxford University Press.

Karl Polanyi, “The Great Transformation”, 1944

Kwame Gyeke, African Cultural Values, 1956

Kennedy K. Mbekeani, Intra-Regional Trade in Southern Africa: Structure, Performance and Challenges’, Regional Integration Policy Papers No. 2, NEPAD and Regional Integration & Trade Division, African Development Bank, June 2013.

Mbeki, T., 2006, (July 29) Nelson Mandela Memorial Lecture, Cape Town Unversity

Mbeki, T., 2014, Tasks of the African Progressive Movement’, The Thinker magazine, Vol. 59, Quarter 1, 2014

Nandy, A. 1983, The Intimate Enemy: Loss and Recovery of Self under Colonialism, Oxford University Press, Bombay Calcutta Mandras,

Nkrumah K., 1963, Africa Must Unite, New York: Praager

Vilakazi H., 2005, “Crisis in the Political Economy of South Africa” (June 2005).

United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (UN DESA) website. 2009. http://www.un.org/esa/dsd/dsd_aofw_ind/ind_index.shtml (Accessed February 18, 2014).

UN DESA. 2007. The Millennium Development Goals Report. New York: United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs.

UN Development Program. 1990. Human Development Report: Overview. New York: Oxford University Press.

UN Development Program. 2007. Human Development Report 2007/2008: Fighting Climate Change: Human Solidarity in a divided world: Summary.

UNECA African Trade Policy Centre (2010). Infrastructure and Intra-African Trade

Impact on the Earth. Gabriola Island, BC: New Society Publishers.
Reginald H. Green and Ann Seidman, Unity or Poverty? The Economics of Pan Africanism, London, Penguin Books, 1968

World Bank, World Development Indicators online; and Green and Seidman, pp 59 – 60

Ramose, M. B., 1996. “A history denied: African philosophy and social organisation”. Series on Alternative Development, 2(September). University of Amsterdam, Netherlands): pp. 107-14.

Schumpeter J.A. 1942, Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy.

Sonke T., 2014, writing in Sawubona magazine, August 2014, pg 90

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BEYOND UMNGUNI – OUR PRIMEVAL FATHER

Researched and Written
Mfuniselwa Bhengu

Introduction
The paper seeks to trace and prove that Abantu/AbeNguni/AmaZulu originated from ancient Egypt, and that they migrated with all their wares to, firstly, Eastern Africa and then to Southern Africa, and that their culture, epistemology, ontology and languages are of ancient Egyptian origin, and that during their process of exodus very few changes on these took place.

However, secondly, ancient Egypt’s African affinity is important to recognize in part because it (along with the other native African civilizations of course) helps refute the white supremacist contention that Africans cannot construct civilization without European help, as Mandela has explained in his autobiography. It facilitates the combating of anti-Black racism, and simultaneously promotes African renaissance project. Therefore, we must not misrepresent it as a non-African.

Thirdly, but more principally, the paper argues that Abantu/AbeNguni/AmaZulu originated from the Great Lakes region of Africa and migrated to ancient Egypt, and from there they migrated towards the East Africa, Central and West Africa, and finally, some of them under the leadership of uMnguni, went towards the present Southern Africa, and finally reached the present South Africa, and KwaZulu province.

In his autobiography, The Long Walk to Freedom (1994), the former South African President Nelson Mandela recounts that he had fantasized about visiting the ruins of ancient Egypt, which he calls “the cradle of African civilization”. To quote Mandela’s statement on why this was so significant to him:
This was not amateur archaeological interest; it is important for African nationalists to be armed with evidence to dispute the fictitious claims of whites that Africans are without a civilized past that compares with that of the West. In a single morning, I discovered that Egyptians created great works of art and architecture when whites were still living in caves.

As much as ancient Egypt may have helped fuel the fire of Mandela’s passion to liberate South Africans from the oppression of apartheid, few non-black people even recognize that it was an African civilization to begin with.

Before we begin to explore whether or not the ancient Egyptians were Africans/Abantu, let us look at how ancient Egypt itself was constructed.

The Construction of the Ancient Egypt
In his essay entitled the ‘Nile Genesis: An Introduction to the Opus of Gerald Massey Charles S. Finch III (2006), paying tribute to Massey forcefully, argues that the world’s cultures were Kamite in origin.

With respect to the aboriginal Britons, the Celts, Massey carefully dissected their language, religion, and customs to detail their Kamite origins. Along these lines, Massey was echoing the work of the British investigators Godfrey Higgins, author of Anacalypsis, and Duncan McRitchie, author of Ancient and Moderns Britons, who also wrote extensively about the pre-historic Black presence in the British Isles. Massey reproduced an extensive comparative glossary showing the common identity of hundreds of Egyptian and Celtic-British words. His derivation of the English word ‘mother’ is instructive: Our word Mother is not derived from the Sanskrit Ma, to fashion, but from the Egyptian name of the mother as Mut. Mut means mother, the Emaner, the mouth…Mut the chamber, place, womb…AR (e.g.) is the child, or the likeness, the type of a fulfilled period, the thing made. Thus MUT-AR is the place, the gestator, the founder and emaner of the child.

In the second volume, Massey conducted a searching examination of the Hebrew legends of the Old Testament and in revealing their Afro-Egyptian or Kamite origins, inaugurated a seismic shift in Hebraic and Old Testament studies. Of especial importance is the remarkable chapter The Egyptian Origin of the Jews Traced from the Monuments. His research convinced him that the Five Books of Moses represented Egyptian astronomical allegories that had been literalized, historicized, and humanized. The Book of Exodus especially seemed to abound with Kamite astronomical types that were reconfigured to form Hebrew ‘history.’ As Massey writes: The Hebrew Books of the Genesis, Exodus, Numbers Joshua, and Judges are invaluable as a virgin mine of mythology; they are of utmost importance as an aid in recovering the primeval types of Egyptian thought…For the Hebrews, who collected and preserved so much, have explained nothing. There is evidence enough to prove that the types are Egyptian and the people brought them out of Egypt must have been more or less Egyptian in race, and of a religion that was Egyptian of the earliest and oldest kind.

Undoubtedly there is some very slight historic nucleus in the Hebrew narrative, but it has been so mixed with myth that it is far easier to recover the celestial allegory with the aids of its correlatives than it is to restore the human history.

Massey proceeded to show the connection between the Egyptian astro-mythical types and all the important Old Testament patriarchs. However, there really was an exodus from Egypt; in fact, there were at least two (possibly three) alluded to in historical testimony, but, according to Massey, none of them had anything to do with a foreign race of shepherds enslaved for more than 400 years in Egypt then led out of it by a messianic prophet. The latter years of Egypt’s 18th dynasty (14th century BC) witnessed unprecedented religious ferment as indicated by the so-called ‘Amarna Heresy,’ launched by Amenhotep IV, better known as Akhenaton. This period of religious upheaval saw the patriarchal status quo represented by Amon-Ra shaken to its foundation by the upsurge of the Sethian solar deity Aton – the sole and exclusive god – championed first by Queen Tiye, wife of Amenhotep III, then more vigorously by her son Akhenaton. Though solar, by virtue of his Sethian character, Aton represented the ancient Mother-and-Son religious system dating back to pre-dynastic times. In the end, the Atonian religion was overthrown and Amon-Ra restored, leading in the ensuing 120 years to one, possibly two, exodes out of Egypt by religious dissenters who had retained their allegiance to Mother-worship.

Massey connects Moses to the Egyptian lion-god Ma-Shu, though another possible etymology is derivable from Mu (‘pool’) Sha (‘reeds’) for Mu-Sha, ‘pool of reeds,’ the place where the infant Moses was found. The name Moses is not Hebrew in origin and pharaoh’s daughter is made to say that she gives the foundling infant this name because ‘I drew him from the water. The Egyptian word sah means ‘to draw from,’ so that Mu-Sah, an additional etymology, would mean ‘to draw from the (pool of) water’. The only identifiable historical figure in Massey’s view that can be linked to the Biblical Moses is Osarsiph, an Egyptian priest of Ra mentioned by the Jewish apologist Josephus in his polemic against the Egyptian historian Apion entitled Against Apion. Osarsiph, according to this report (which Josephus recounts but vehemently repudiates), became a dissenter from the established priestly religion and organized a large group of disaffected people in Egypt, inciting them to rebellion then subsequently leading them out of Egypt into Canaan. Apion claimed (after Josephus) that Osarsiph the Egyptian subsequently changed his name to Moses. Sigmund Freud in Moses and Monotheism, though himself Jewish and having read Josephus’ Against Apion, clearly takes the side of Apion by asserting that Moses must have been an Egyptian priest who took the part of the downtrodden in Egypt, led them into Sinai, taught them the worship of one god, and gave them their laws. The date of the Exodus remains a contentious issue though the weight of opinion favors the reign of Mereneptah (1230 – 1215 BC) as the time period for this seminal event. If so, Osarsiph would have lived 100 years after Akhenaton, the king who instituted the brief period of pharaonic monotheism in Egypt under the aegis of Aton. That being said, Massey forcefully set forth the argument that the Hebrews, originally the worshippers of the divine Mother and Son who later renounced them for the all-exclusive Father, brought their religion and language out of Africa, their original home.

Massey categorically dismissed the assertions of the Aryanist German Egyptologists Bunsen and Brugsch postulating an Asian origin for Egyptian civilization. Massey asked, in refutation of the Asian theory, why did the Egyptians themselves look southward to Africa as their birthplace and refer to it as Ta-neter, ‘the land of the gods?’ Moreover, numerous Egyptian customs were unmistakably African in character, from the practice of tracing ancestry through the maternal line to the ceremonial dying of bodies with red ochre. Massey even derived an Egyptian etymology for the Roman word Africa from the Egyptian af-rui-ka which literally means ‘to turn toward the opening of the Ka.’ The Ka is the energetic double of every person and ‘opening of the Ka’ refers to a womb or birthplace. Africa would be, for the Egyptians, ‘the birthplace.’ Parenthetically, it is worth noting that another Egyptian name for the African lands south of Egypt was Ta-Kenset, which means ‘placenta land.’ In any event, the issue for Massey was plain and the common ethno-cultural identity of Egypt and the rest of Africa provided the framework for his study into human beginnings (Charles S. Finch III, 2006).

On several occasions Herodotus, who was an eyewitness on all what was happening in ancient Egypt, insists on the Negro character of the Egyptians and even uses this for indirect demonstrations, and he observed that:
“It is certain that the natives of the country are black…” {The History of Herodotus, translated by George Rawlinson. New York. Tudor, 1928, p. 8

Despite their physical and genetic variability, we have some justification for grouping all the different kinds of African people into one distinct ethnicity. They were Mbuti Pygmies, Nilotes, Bantus, and Ethiopians (Cavalli-Sforza, L.L., 1988). These groups were divided into
(1) Western Bantu;
(2) Central Bantu;
(3) Highland Bantu, and
(4) Southern Tanzania Bantu*.

As reflected below, it is reported that this cluster formed part of the ancient Egyptians. This cluster included peoples who are physically different from one another. All of these variable people are more closely related to one another, and this supports the classification of Africans into one ethnicity.

With this out of the way, the question is: How do we determine whether or not AmaZulu were part of the ancient Egyptians that fell within this African cluster?

The race of and origins of the ancient Egyptians have been a source of considerable debate. Scholars in the late and early 20th centuries rejected any considerations of the Egyptians as black Africans by defining the Egyptians either as non-Africans or as members of a separate brown (as opposed to a black) race, or a mixture of lighter-skinned peoples with black Africans. Afrocentric scholars have countered this Eurocentric and often racist perspective by characterizing the Egyptians as black and African.

The Bible, which is the living word of God and an authoritative source of historical record indicates that the ancient Egypt ancestry originated in the Southern part of Egypt which is next to Nubian and Cush (Ethiopia) to which even today in modern Egypt the farther south you travel the darker the population becomes (see Ezekiel 29:14). In general, the inhabitants of Upper Egypt and Nubia had the greatest biological affinity to people of the Sahara and more southerly areas.

The peopling of ancient Egypt is well illustrated by the internationally well-renown Senegalese scholar, Professor Cheik A. Diop, in his essay entitled annex to Chapter 1: Report of the symposium on The Peopling of Ancient Egypt and the Deciphering of the Meroitic Script. To date no scholar, factually or scientifically, has proven him wrong. He forcefully argued the following:
* that Egypt was an African country,
* that Egypt’s civilization can be understood properly only by reference to its southern links and origins,
* that humanity evolved first from Africa,
* that Africa was well-grounded in sciences and philosophy long before Greece,
* that Greeks, in comparison to Egyptians were children,
* that all the major world religions, including Judaism, Christianity, and Islam can be traced back to the religious systems and/or philosophies of Ancient Egypt,
* that there is a classical, solid basis for an African philosophy.

In ancient times, the whole of Egypt was a province of Ethiopia (the new name for Abyssinia), like the Republic of Sudan, was ruled by African race who maintained that they were a privileged class society based upon colour. To them, all black-skinned Africans are “Bantu”. To these they felt superior. Both the Sudan and the new Ethiopia had adopted the “Brotherhood Front” (see Walker, 2006), hence the ‘Bonaabakhulu baseKhem Brotherhood of Man’ (see Bhengu, 2014).

Methodologies Employed by the Anthropologists
The method traditionally favored by physical anthropologists for determining human population relationships from skeletal remains is craniometry, the measurement of skulls’ dimensions and facial features. The more similar certain populations’ craniometric measurements are, the more closely related the populations are considered. Generally speaking, the highest quality craniometric studies use comprehensive lists of variables covering the entire skull instead of fixating on a small number of features.

As early as 1923, the white anatomist Sir Grafton Elliot Smith reported that the thousands of Egyptian mummies he examined at Cairo’s Egyptian Museum frequently had features such as “poorly developed” brows, bulging occiputs, small but relatively broad noses, and slight projections of the jaws, all common African characteristics. Slightly over a decade later, Barnard (1935) observed that most Egyptian crania resembled those of Sudanese. Nutter (1958), Keita (1990), and Godde (2009), and too many other anatomists, archeologists, anthropologists, historians, too many to mention here, have all replicated this result of Sudanese/Nubian affinity for ancient Egyptians.

Possibly the oldest evidence for a sedentary civilization along the Nile River has been excavated not in Egypt proper but in central Sudan near the modern capital of Khartoum. This culture, dubbed the Khartoum Mesolithic, is considered to have constructed permanent or at least semi-permanent settlements because it left behind the oldest pottery ever found in Africa, dating as far back as 8200 BC.

According to Thompson (2001), South African Bantu peoples (e.g. Xhosa, Zulu, Basotho, and Tswana) considered cattle their most prized possessions, and some even had vast vocabularies with at least fifty-seven words describing cow markings alone. One Basotho proverb says that “cattle are the bank of a Mosotho”. Comparable cattle-herding economies are found among Nilotic peoples such as the Dinka and Nuer of South Sudan and the Maasai and Samburu of Kenya. Ehret (1996) traces this popularity of cattle among Africans to prehistoric Sudanese herders who first domesticated the animals between 10,000 and 6000 B.C.

It is interesting to note that the popularity of cattle among Africans date to prehistoric Sudanese, and that they were the first to domesticate them, because this fits in very well with the popularity of cattle among AbeNguni/AmaZulu. Secondly, one must take into account the fact that the ancestors of Mnguni were among the ancient Sudanese/Nubians in the Upper ancient Egypt or Southern Egypt.

Bantus and their Source
Abantu (or ‘Bantu’ as it was used by colonialists) is the Zulu word for people. It is the plural of the word ‘umuntu’, meaning ‘person’, and is based on the stem ‘–ntu’ plus the plural prefix ‘aba’.

It is a term used in two ways in archaeology, history and anthropology: (1) it named a major linguistic group in Africa, and more locally, to identify the sizeable group of Nguni language spoken by many Africans in sub-Saharan Africa, and (2) it identifies those Bantu-speakers who spoke that group of closely related languages which linguists divide into four categories: Nguni, Sotho-Tswana, Venda and Tsonga-speakers.

According to Sir Wallis A. Budge, as mentioned somewhere in this article, the most highly respected “Papyrus of Hunefer” found in Egypt and the Nile River and amongst the indigenous Africans’, “Book of the Coming Forth by Day and Night” kept on reporting that that the ancient Egyptians clearly stated that: “We came from the beginning of the Nile where the God Hapi dwells, at the foothills of the Mountain of the Moon. (Kilimanjaro – between Kenya and Tanzania, or Rwenzori in Uganda”. This area is around the Great Lakes region and Central Africa.

Among the African cluster mentioned above, the author is particularly interested in the group called ‘Bantus’ or Abantu in IsiNguni. The word ‘Bantu’, according to Bleek (1862, A Comparative Grammar of South African Languages), means ‘people’ in many Bantu languages, along with similar sounding cognates. In this book he hypothesized that a vast number of languages located across central, southern, eastern, and western Africa shared so many characteristics that they must be part of a single language group. Perhaps the most salient was the organization of many parts of speech in concordance with a set of noun categories, by means of inflected prefixes. Thus in isiZulu, a paradigmatic case for Bleek, the noun root -ntu is found in nouns such as umuntu (person), abantu (people), ubuntu, etc.

The Bantu-speaking people consists of more than 100 million Negriod people who live in southern and central Africa, ranging from Nigeria and Uganda to South Africa, and who speak about 700 languages, including many dialects. The consist of the following ethnic groups: Luhya, Baganda of Uganda, Zimbabweans of Zimbabwe, Nyarwanda of Rwanda, Rundi of Burundi, Kikuyu of Kenya, Nigerians, and AmaZulu of Zulu Kingdom, AmaXhosa, from KwaXhosa, the Ndebeles from Ndebele, Swazis from Swaziland, Basotho from Sotho, the BaPedi from Pedi, Vendas from kwaVenda, Tanzanians, Mozambicans, Congoleses, Zambians, Malawians, Tsongas, Akamba, Meru, Embu, Taita, Giryama, Chagga, Yao, Segeju, Zaramo in Tanzania, as well as many other smaller groups, etc. All these Bantus claim a southerly migration from Egypt after having left the Great Lakes and Central Africa.

The words Abantu, Vanhu, Basotho, etc., are in plurals. They all mean black people collectively. The words Kintu, Kuntu, Muntu, Munhu, Buntu and Hunhu also mean black people and their culture collectively. The name Egypt is used by Europeans for Kemet. It is a corruption of Hi-ka-pta, the name of one of the temples at Memphis in Kemet or KMT, which is a corruption of Hi-ka-pta, which means Temple-of-the-Ka-of-Ptah. Hikapta became Aiguptos in Greek. It was Anglicized to Egypt by the English (see Browder, 1992).

As Finch (1995), quoted by Dr Chivaura of Zimbabwe, points out that: The peopling of the Nile Valley from the Africa’s Great Lakes region must have occurred over and again in waves. The population wave from the Great Lakes directly ancestral to the to the historical Nile Valley peoples, probably began to settle north of the second cataract no later than 15, 000 years ago. This settlement did not preempt later migrations, of course the people of Africa are indeed one.

The principles their ancestors produced can be found in The Book of Coming Forth by Day, so-called The Egyptian Book of the Dead by Europeans. James Wasserman’s The Egyptian Book of the Dead: The Book of Going Forth by Day (1994) is an example.

The KiSwahili-Bantu Research Unit (2008) reports in its article ‘The Bantu in Ancient Egypt’ that for the first time ever the set of hieroglyphics leaves an indelible print which traces the existence of the Bantu people during ancient out the word ‘Batu’ in keeping with the current original word ‘Bantu’. The origin of the Bantu people is a controversial issue and has been deeply debated. Alfred M’Imanyara, a Kenyan scholar, in his book ‘Restatement of Bantu Origin and Meru History’ provides the evidence for a southerly migration from Egypt of the Bantu people. The evidence is also based on linguistic, historical scientific and cultural studies done by Cheik Anta Diop.

Akwa Antony Appiah et al in Afrikana (1999), also argue that linguistic patterns suggest that from they migrated along two distinct routes beginning around 1000 B.C.E. One group Western Bantu Group. The Eastern Group Bantu Group expanded to the east and southeast….By the time the Eastern Bantu reached Urewe in the Great Lakes Region during the last millennium B.C.E., words for iron working were widespread. From Urewe the Eastern Bantu spread rapidly to the south and farther to the east, reaching the east coast by the second century B.C.E 1999; 176 – 178)

According to Dom Pedro V (1912), in his work “The Quantum Vision of Simon Kimbangu”, argues that the African brotherhood (Bonaabakhulu Abasekhemu) is considered the oldest and predate any traceable lineage of every other religious tradition on earth today. It goes back to approximately 3, 900 B.C.E. The next closest tradition in terms of age would be Vedic tradition, which based on the Rig Veda, could be traced back to about 1500 BCE, and even the Vedic tradition would appear also to owe some of its spiritual science to Kamit. The earliest written parts of the Bible would have been written around 1000 B.C.E, based on a tradition dating back to about 2000 B.C.E. Moses lived about 1300 B.C.E. during AKHENATEN time. The Bonabakhulu Abasekhemu Brotherhood of the Zulu, South Africa traces its origin to a priest of Isis during the reign of Pharaoh Khufu of the 3rd dynasty (3,900 B.C.E.) and builder of the Great Pyramid of Giza.

The Ethiopians were the first of all men. They did not come from outside into their land as immigrants from abroad, but were natives of it and so justly bear the name of “autochthones” (i.e. sprung from the soil itself: sons and daughters of the soil) is connected by practically all men; furthermore, that those who dwell beneath the noon-day sun were, in all likelihood, the first to be generated by the earth, is clear to all. It is clear then, that the region which was near the sun was the first to bring forth living creatures (Walker, 2006). From this we can deduce that it is, then true that Africans came out of the reeds (Bona abavela emHlangeni. Hence the Zulus, salute their king ‘Wena woHlanga’).

Ancient Egypt​
Ancient Egypt was divided into Lower Egypt and Upper Egypt, and out of all the cluster groups that migrated from the Great Lakes region and Central Africa, they mostly occupied the Upper Egypt (Southern Egypt) rather than north Egypt. It is here where one finds the concentration of the Nubians or popularly known as Sudanese. It is here where the Bantus and other groups lived, including the ancestors of Mnguni. This does not mean that northern Egypt was not occupied by these Africans. For example, Cairo, the present city of present Egypt, was within the boundaries of the Upper Egypt.

Referring to Imhotep, as an African ancestor, Bauval (2013) says the earliest migration into Egypt was from the southwest by black-skinned peoples, from the Sahara carrying the rudiments and ingredients of civilization – domesticated cattle, sophisticated religious ceremonies, astronomy, and even perhaps an early primitive form of stone building and large-stone sculpting. These newcomers entered the Nile Valley in the 4th millennium B.C. and as the evidence strongly suggests, kick-started what modern scholars call Egyptian civilization.

These migrations included Nubian and Nilotic expansions from the Upper Nile; Bantu expansions from West Africa and Southern Africa.

To the south of KeMeT (near present-day Sudan and South Sudan), Nubian culture (formerly Kemetian colonies), established the newly independent Kingdom of Kush. Also, near the Upper Nile, neighboring Nilotic speaking cultures (including relatives of present-day Maasai, Alur, and Luo), later embarked on a series of long term migrations towards the African Great Lakes, eventually reaching parts of present day Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania by the 18th Century C.E.

In the interior of Africa another major expansion was beginning around the time of Ramses III. Bantu migrations that spread from West Africa (possibly originating near present-day Cameroon and Nigeria), eventually reached the African Great Lakes region and Southern Africa over the course of three thousand years.

The Bantu migration was one of the most important events in pre-history and reshaped the cultural landscape of Africa. Today, Bantu languages include Swahilli (spoken largely in East Africa), Zulu and Xhosa (spoken in present-day South Africa). These diverse Bantu speaking cultures are thought to have descended from a mixture of early West African migrants and indigenous populations of East Africa and Southern Africa.

It can, then, be safely concluded that the AbeNguni came out of this group and they were led by Mnguni. Secondly, it can be concluded that the ancestors of Mnguni were part of this group – a mixture of Bantus who came from ancient Upper Egypt (Sudan/Nubia), Great Lakes, Central and West Africa.

Migration from Ancient Egypt to East, Central, West and Southern Africa
The reasons for emphasizing the indigenous Southern African origin of the ancient Egyptians, is because of the message based upon an historical message taken from the most highly respected “Papyrus of Hunefer” found in Egypt and the Nile River and amongst the indigenous Africans’, “Book of the Coming Forth by Day and Night”. In it, the Egyptians clearly state: “We came from the beginning of the Nile where the God Hapi dwells, at the foothills of the Mountain of the Moon, i.e. Kilimanjaro – between Kenya and Tanzania, or Rwenzori in Uganda. This is in the Great Lakes region.

According to Asar Imhotep of Mocha-Versity Institute of Philosophy and Research (September 6, 2009), citing the late Jordan Ngubane’s work, Conflict of Minds (1979), the story of the migration of AmaZulu (plural) proves that the Bantu people were an aboriginal African people of the Upper Nile – Sudanic and Nubian origins. When the Nguni-Bantu migrated from the Sudan into what is now South Africa and Natal, the populations began to increase in a pocketed area between the Indian Ocean and the Mountains of Drakensberg.

A nomarch during the second half of the 15th century by the name of Malandela nursed the ambition that one day he might have a son who would lead his people to the heavens (Zulu) and restore order in Natal. Sometime later one of his wives gave birth to a son. Malandela was convinced that it was going to be that son who restored order in KwaZulu. To ensure that the boy lived and achieved as expected, Malandela gave him the name Zulu. It must be understood that in African societies a person is given a name that is in association with his or her destiny. A person is required to live up to their name in a literal sense. It is this philosophy and social custom that translated into experience for King Malandela in regards to the naming of his son Zulu ka Malandela Zulu. The son, Zulu, was supposed to take his people beyond the heavens and establish a new order.

In ancient Egypt a person is born with their name of destiny (birth name) and to keep record of who he/she belonged to, they would attach the name of the father (his name of destiny) to the son’s name. So the Pharaohs would claim descent from the God Ra and is why you would see in the name “sa Ra” to denote “son of Ra.” Here the Egyptian sa corresponds to the Bantu ka (sa = ka) as they both mean son or child. In KiKongo the ka is rendered kia and can be seen in the name of our esteemed scholar from the Kongo Dr. Kimbwadende kia Bunseki Fu-Kiau. Here this name is very telling for Kimbwadende is his initiation name. Kia Bunseki lets us know he is the son of Bunseki. Bunseki is not his name, it is his father’s. So hopefully, we can better understand the Zulu naming convention in relation to the name Zulu ka Malandela (Imhotep, 2009)

Ancient Egypt and Sudan (Walker, 2006) were once the most densely populated parts of Africa. People living elsewhere in Africa are in fact partly of distant Nile Valley origins. Al-Masudi, as quoted by Walker (2006), the highly regarded Arab geographer of the tenth century AD, wrote of a great migration of Africans, possibly from the region of Kush, and said ‘when the descendants of Noah spread across the earth, the sons of Kush, the son of Canaan, travelled toward the west and crossed the Nile. There they separated: Some of them, the Nubians and the Beja and Zanj, turned to the rightward, between the east and the west; but the others, very numerous, marched toward the setting sun’…

This suggests that many peoples in western and eastern Africa are in fact migrants of Kushite origins. The Negroid Kushites were spread over a vast area of central Sahara and northern Sahil from Fezzan to Nubia. They facilitated the diffusion of Nubian culture into central Africa and influenced the history of the regions since they founded, or at least provided dynasties for, Kanem and certain Hausa states (Walker, 2006).

Reasons for Migration
The most cogent reasons for such massive exodus from Sahara to the rest of the world was, firstly, drought. People found themselves in famine due to drought, which killed even their cattle. They could not live in area that was killing their cattle, since cattle was part of their lives, just it is the case even today.

Secondly, it was the fall of the Old Kingdom during the First Intermediate Period, which was plagued by wars. During this period nomarchs organized raids on other regions to plunder food. Peasants were forced to arm themselves. Everything was plundered, destroyed. The entire Egypt was attacked by many foeign forces, such as the Roman Empire, the Arabs, etc. The middle classes, by contra, lived in the relative safety of their walled residences (Gumede, 1990, Walker, 2006, Bhengu, 2014). But all this happened when the majority of the population had migrated, in waves, from ancient Egypt towards various directions.

Eventually, the ancient Egypt was suppressed and colonized. Today it is ruled, controlled and owned by Arabs. Sudan (Nubia) today is divided into north and south Sudan. Indigenous people who remained behind are no longer in control, except perhaps in South Sudan.

Migration Towards Southern Africa: AbeNguni [The Ngoni People]
According to Dr M.V. Gumede (Traditional Healers, 1990), as the deserts encroached, the animals died and left only white skeletons dotted on the landscape. The people had to move on for their survival. The Sahara civilization was already very advanced in 2500 B.C. when it probably reached its peak (Bryant, 1963). This means by the time the African exodus took place, Africans left behind a very advanced African civilization.

When the Sahara dried up, continued Dr Gumede (1990), the Africans packed their wares in canoes and papyrus boats ‘behla ngesilulu’ (this is the Zulu term for these boats). Canoes were carved from a large tree trunk or built of reeds, or made of ox-hide.

What is a Nguni?
Nguni is the collective name for a major group of Bantu-speaking peoples belonging to the Negroid racial group of Africa who lived at an area between the Drankesberg and the Indian Ocean and along a broad belt from Swaziland through Natal southwards into the Transkei and Ciskei. The Northern Ngunis comprise the Swazi, Zulu, and Ndebele peoples of the Highveld; on the Southern Ngunis include the Xhosa, Thembu, Bomvana, Mpondo and Mpondomise (Howcroft, P. unpublished South African Encyclopedia)

Our preserved historical knowledge informs us that our primeval father, uMnguni, and his people came down the river Nile from Upper Africa using canoes and boats (Behla ngesilulu phakathi kwamaNgisi namaQadasi) to Southern Africa around or between 16th – 17th century. It is reported that Mnguni had 4 (four) descendants: UXhosa, USwazi, UNdebele, and Luzumane. UXhosa became the founder of AmaXhosa; uSwazi became the founder of AmaSwazi; uNdebele became the founder of the AmaNdebele; and Luzumane, the direct ancestor of Zulu. The Zulu Kingdom was named after Zulu.

Research reveals that the Nguni group is divided into the Zunda and the Tekela sub-groups. The Zulu and Xhosa are the two largest written languages from the Zunda group of which a third written language, while Zimbabwean Ndebele is found in Zimbabwe. Under the Tekela sub-group fall Swazi (isiSwati), Northern Transvaal Ndebele (isiNdebele), and the Bhaca of the Transkei; the difference between the two groups rests, among other things, on the use of the ‘z’ sound by the Zunda, and the use of the ‘t’ sound in its stead by the Tekela, e.g. Zulu is the written language of the Northern Nguni of KwaZulu-Natal, the eastern Free State and southern Gauteng and southern Mpumalanga provinces. The Manala and Ndzundza Ndebele speak a Zulu dialect that is also influenced by Northern Sotho. The Nguni languages contain characteristic ‘click sounds’. Their hlonipha (respect) terms, especially, contain many clicks signifying derivation from intermarriage with San and Khoi women.

It is important that we know who were his ancestors, and where they originated from. There are unsubstantiated reports that UMnguni’s ancestor was NTU, but it is not clear nor stated in any credible literature or material where did Ntu come from. Further to this confusion, there are no elderly people in one’s range that elaborate on this. All what is provided is that Mnguni was part of the Bantu group that migrated from Great Lakes and Central Africa to ancient Egypt and lived in the Upper Egypt as Nubians/Sudans. This group eventually migrated towards the southern and eastern parts of the continent, and eventually headed towards Southern Africa.

Briant (1963) reports that this group, which became known as AbeNguni, separated from each other, and they took different directions. Some went towards the Indian Ocean, some went towards the west, etc. For example, the Xhosas, under the leadership of uXhosa, went towards the mouth of uMzimvubu river.

One of Malandela’s sons was called Zulu which means Heaven. Zulu’s wives travelled with him towards the Drankesberg Mountains, and from there they moved towards a fresh area south of the Mkhumbane River. Eventually the whole area became known as KwaZulu or Place of Heaven.

IsiZulu Language
Imhotep (2009), a well-renowned linguist with a specialisation in ancient Egyptian language, says by examining this convention in the Zulu (and other African languages)

‘I assume that the initial H in HRW is actually closer to an SH sound. When I listen to Zulu speakers talk, some words that have an H in it is pronounced with a SH sound. For instance, the Zulu word UKUHLANGANA which means “meeting” is pronounced UKU-SHLAN-GAN. The final A is not pronounced or is not really audible to the foreign speaker when said in conversational speed. It reminds me of French in a way. We see this happen in another Zulu word KAHLE which means “well” (as in to be well or I hear well). KAHLE is pronounced GA-SHE (with a G as in GEKO) when spoken. What seems to be at play is that when the H is preceded by a vowel, the H becomes SH. We see this convention in other Bantu languages as well. For example, in the Luhya dialect of Maragoli, the word ‘Abaluhya’ or ‘Avaluhya’ is pronounced as ABA-ROO-SHIA, which means “the people of the North,” “the people of the higher place,” or simply “northerners.” Their oral history states that they came from Misri (Egypt) and migrated to what is now called Kenya’.

This convention isn’t always the case however. For instance, the Zulu word UKUKHULUMA is pronounced UKU-KHU-LUM: again the final A is faint. It seems that the H retains its sound when preceded by a hard consonant. We see this at play in the Zulu word UKHONA meaning “is there.” The H retains its sound value (as in the word chord). When the H is preceded by another H, the H sounds like an English H. So the Zulu transposition of the English word HOTEL is EHHOTELA (EH-HO-TELA). When you say ZASEHOTEL (at the hotel) however, the H sound is not pronounced like SH but as a regular H (Imhotep, 2009).

According to Ngubane (1979) the word Sudic comes from Su, a variant of Nu, which is the root word for person in most Sub-Saharan African languages. In terms of origin, the rootword is related to Nu, the ancient Egyptian word for primordial substance. The ancients believed that people evolved from primordial substance through a creator-god. The person was “created” so that he should “appear in glory” on earth.

In the migrations up and down the continent, the differently placed Africans developed variants of nu and gave it the following forms: du, nho, -ni, ntfu, -ntu, -now, -nwu, -so, -su, -tho, -thu, and –tu. This consensus of nu produced the following nouns for ‘person’ among peoples in widely different parts of Africa, as follows:

Language ​​​​Word for Person
Hausa (Nigeria)​​​ mtum
Ibo​​​​​ nmadu
Yoruba​​​​​ eniya
Swazi​​​​​​ muntfu
Sotho​​​​​​ motho
Xhosa ​​​​​ umntu
Zulu​​​​​​ umuntu
Swahili utu

In Zulu umuntu means ‘the person’. If we break down the word into its components, we have: The article u- meaning the.

The Xhosas, continues Ngubane (1979) still refer to black humanity as umzi ka Ntu like the other Nguni communities, and the ancient Zulus believed that the cosmic order was an infinity; that such it was a unity, and that the environment in which the person really existed. If the primordial substance was infinite, there could not be anything which existed outside of it; all phenomenon, he and his environment were therefore inseperable, complementary.

This relationship gave rise to the following derivatives from Ntu:
Ulutho: The nameless something; a substance,
Uluntu: The vital force,
Umuntu: The personification of Ntu; the person
Isintu:​ Humanity
Ubuntu: The art of being human; virtue – a very shallow definition of Ubuntu.

The above shows how we can speak of nu- or ntu- oriented cultures, which together form the unity known as African civilization.

Ubuntu Philosophy and its Connection to Ancient Egypt
Since Egyptian antiquity is to African culture, therefore, we have to connect Ubuntu to ancient Egypt. According to Walter Scott, who was an editor of the Hermetica, those Greek writings which contain religious and/or philosophical teachings ascribed to Hermes Trismegistus’ of ancient Egypt, had this to say regarding what the ancient Egyptians call ‘Maat’, and what the AbeNguni/AmaZulu call ‘Ubuntu’:

The divine mind (Ubuntu) is wholly of like nature with eternity. It is motionless in itself, but though stable, is yet self-moving; it is holy, and incorruptible, and everlasting, and has all attributes yet higher, if higher there be, that can be assigned to the eternal life of the supreme God, that life which stands fast in absolute reality. It is wholly filled with all things imperceptible to sense, and with all-embracing knowledge; it is, so to speak, consubstantial with God.

The source of Ubuntu principles are the principles of Maat, not vice versa, and the literature is rich in this, that the ancient Bantus/Zulus inherited all their cultural, philosophical and linguistic principles and values of Ubuntu from ancient Egypt (see Diop’s writings; Obenga’s writings; Molefi Kete Asante’s works; Ngubane, Khoza; Ramose; etc.)

The 42 constitutive rules of Maat, reveals very close similarities with the constitutive rules of Ubuntu, and we believe this is not an accident if one takes into consideration the linguistic relationships of African languages, particularly that of KMT. The ancient Kemets believed that the cosmic mind is all kinds of knowledge of sensible things. The (merely) human mind is dependent on the retentiveness of man’s memory, that is, on his remembrance of all his past experiences. The divine mind, according to the Bible, descends in the scale of being as far as man, but no farther; for the supreme God willed that the divine mind should be only within a being, lest it should be put to shame by mingling with the lower animals.

Umuntu (man), in an African ontology, is endowed with the divine attributes: intellect, wisdom, justice, rationale, creativity, compassion, love, etc. that make him to be distinctly different from other created beings. He is instantly conferred with power of dominion over all creatures. Umuntu, therefore, consists of the: spirit, soul and body. This is a three-fold principle of Muntu (man). This is the universal level of Ubntu.

The Africans’ concept of “God-the-Creator” tallies with the ancient Egyptian (Pharaonic) Thought. This is not surprising – considering that “Pharaonic philosophy constitutes the first moment in contemporary Africa’s long philosophical tradition” (Obenga, 1989: 319). The philosophical concepts that crystallised in the Northern tip of Africa (Kemet/Egypt) were energized from the African Heartland.

Clearly, the Creator-God, Ntu, is at the centre of all works of creation, whether they are stars, the moon, the sun, the atom, human beings, etc. He has eternal abode and existence in his creation; and can thus be defined as an infinite, dynamic Life-Force, that has the capability and power of creation, innovation and transformation of Matter into whatever it wills to create.

It is this concept of internalization and universalization of “NTU” that makes us to understand the commonness of the beginning that all creatures share. It enables us to comprehend God’s existence and abode in human beings in his “Image and likeness”. His presence in us forms the basis for a divine “humanness” (Ubuntu) in all members of the human race.

The internalization and universalization of -NTU-, therefore, is very important, for example, you if think about the construction of the following Nguni words: Isi-Ntu; Ki-Ntu; Ku-Ntu; Umzi ka-Ntu; Umu-Ntu; Ubu-Ntu; Ulu-Ntu; Ha-Ntu; Aba–Ntu, Etc

The concept, Creator-God, (Ntu) enables Africans to trace and understand the origin of the philosophical concept of Ubuntu, which is an element that is present in all human beings. Therefore, u-Ntu + u-Mu = uBu-Ntu. The word Muntu simply means “God-Man”, whose abstract noun is uBuntu. This element is found within all members of the human race, but more pronounced in the Bantus.

Mudimbe (1981), as he quotes Kagame, says Bantu ontology in its reality and significance expresses itself through the complementarity and connection existing between these four categories, all of them created from the same root, Ntu, which refers to being but also, simultaneously, to the idea of force. Kagame insists that the Bantu equivalent of to be is strictly and only a copula. It does not express the notion of existence and therefore cannot translate the Cartesian cognito. It is by enunciating muntu, kintu, etc., that I am signifying an essence or something in which the notion of existence is not necessarily present.

When essence (Ntu) is perfected by the degree of existing, it becomes part of the existing. The existing cannot be used as a synonym of being there, since in Bantu languages, the verb to be cannot signify to exist. The opposite of the existing is nothing. In analyzing the cultural elements, one must conclude that the nothing exists and it is the entity which is at the basis of the multiple. One being is distinct from another, because there is the nothing between them (Kagame, 1971:601 – 603).

Mulago (1965), as quoted by Mudimbe (1981) specifies the fact that ntu cannot simple be translated into being. Ntu and being are not coextensive insofar as the ntu categories only subsume created beings and not the original source of God. Ntu is the fundamental and referential basic being-force which dynamically manifests itself in all existing beings, differentiating them but also linking them in an ontological hierarchy:

The being is fundamentally one and all the existing beings are ontologically attached together. Above, transcendent, is God, Nyamuzinda, the beginning and end of all being; Imana, source of all life, of all happiness. Between God and members of the family and the old national heroes, all the armies of disincarnated souls. Below humans are all the other beings, who, basically, are only means placed at human’s disposition to develop her or his ntu, being, life. (Mulago, 1965: 155).

In sum, the Ntu is somehow a sign of a universal similitude. Its presence in beings brings them to life and attests to both their individual value and to the measure of their integration in the dialectic of vital energy. Ntu is both a uniting and a differentiating vital norm which explains the powers of vital inequality in terms of difference between beings. It is a sign that God, father of all beings has put a stamp on the universe, thus making it transparent in a hierarchy of sympathy.

In an African setting everything is knitted together, and I will now deal with the Bantu/Zulu religion.

The Bantu/AbeNguni/Zulu Religion and its Connection to Ancient Egypt
Perhaps it is better to start from the beginning, so that there is a better understanding of what exactly are we talking about here, and to do I will ride again on the shoulders of Massey’s rich research on ancient Egypt, as reflected by Finch III (2006).

It is important to note that the Christian crucified figure, argues Massey, was always depicted as a lamb until the 7th century. Here, the Savior, the Lamb, harkens back to the Age of Aries, the Ram, the Zodiacal ruler from 2,277 BC to 119 BC, when the sun rose at the spring equinox with the constellation Aries sitting on the eastern horizon. Though Jesus Christ incarnated as the avatar of the Age of Pisces, the Two Fishes, that began 119 BC, the imagery of the previous Aries Ram Age maintained itself in the reference to the Christ as ‘the Lamb of God.’ Christ as a crucified man was a relatively late figure in Christian iconography. In the Appendix to Ancient Egypt, Massey listed more than 200 direct parallels between the Jesus legend and the cycle of Osiris/Horus. The earthly Jesus is congruent to Horus; Jesus the Christ corresponds to Osiris, the resurrected god.

There were a number of Christian and quasi-Christian cults struggling for survival in the early centuries AD. In Massey’s view, the Gnostics especially represented a type of Christianity in which the Egyptian originals were consciously preserved and did not center around the false human history of a mythical savior. The Gnostic Christ was a type of the Deified Man that lies dormant in every human soul and the attainment to which was the aim of Egyptian soul science whose guide map was the Book of the Dead, more properly called the Book of the Coming Forth by Day. Outside the Gospels, there is no authentic reference to the man Jesus and his supposed history as portrayed by the Gospels by any contemporary commentator until the 2nd century. The Theosophical scholar GRS Mead, a learned authority in the field of Christian origins, wrote: It has always been an unfailing source of astonishment to the historical investigator of Christian beginnings, that there is not one single word from the pen of any Pagan writer of the first century of our era, which can in any fashion be referred to the marvelous story recounted by the Gospel writers. The very existence of Jesus seems to be unknown (Italics added).

According to Mead, a man named Yahushua (Joshua) Ben Pandera (Jesus is Greek for Yahushua) did live more than century before the Gospel Jesus was supposed to have been born. Yahushua was an Essene sage who was raised among the Therapeuts (‘healers’) of Egypt where he became a master of healing and ‘wonderworking.’ Sometime around 73 BC, he traveled through Palestine, healing, teaching, and performing myriad ‘wonders.’ Because of his ‘magical’ practices, he was arrested, tried, and hanged by Jewish magistrates in the city of Lydda on the eve of Passover in 70 BC. If there was a historical Jesus, Yahushua Ben Pandera was him. Beginning late in the 2nd century BC, there arose a heightened and widespread anticipation of the appearance of a ‘world savior,’ and it seems that the life and work of Yahushua the Essene provided the germ around which the vast soteriology (‘savior mythology’) of the ancient world, specifically that of Egypt, coalesced. The system of the Essenes – called Therapeuts in Egypt – prefigured Christianity that evolved directly from it (Finch III, 2006).

In his book Ancient Egypt (2006) Simmon Cox argues that many historians have pointed out the similarity between the Osirian myth and that of the books of the New Testament. The story of the suffering of Osiris in human form, God’s (Geb’s) own son, who is resurrected (if only for a short time), bears a striking similarity to the Gospels. Itwould therefore seem that the central themes of the stories of Jesus Christ were already present in Egyptian religion over 2,000 years of before Jesus was born (Simmon Cox, 2006: 174)

The worship of Isis and Serapis – a form of Osiris – was lifted bodily out of Egypt and transplanted to Rome where, for nearly four centuries the cult, particularly that of Isis, rivaled those of Jupiter and Mithra. Isis was especially popular in her aspect of Mother with Child, i.e., Isis with the Infant Horus, and both she and Horus were consistently depicted with black coloring and Ethiopic features. Surviving Roman frescoes in Pompeii represent her priests as Ethiopian and Roman legions carried her image and worship to the farthest reaches of barbarian Europe. When late in the 5th century Christianity began to penetrate these regions, wherever the missionaries found the image complex of Isis holding the Child Horus, they turned it into the Black Madonna and Child. More than 1500 years after Christianization, these sacred sites of the Black Madonna and Child remain the holiest shrines of Catholic Europe.

Just like the ancient Egyptian religion, So, the African traditional religion is an off spring of the ancient Egyptian religion. It has become a collective system of profound thought, lived rather than deliberated upon, clearly see the superiority over the solitary labor of a licensed thinker amid a literate civilization. This silent philosophy can be described by means of a rigorous application of five major scholastic grids: formal logic, ontology, theodicy, cosmology, and ethics (Kagame, 1971). We say God is essence because HE is Ntu. He is the Supreme Being since He does not belong to the category of beings and on the other hand the qualifier Supreme places him above beings in the same line on Ntu. We call him the Preexisting One, an attribute that fits the Existing Eternal (Kagame, 1971). AbeNguni/AmaZulu call Him uMvelinqangi.

We are dealing with an African ‘implicit philosophy’ that is dynamic – dynamic because the subject lives in accordance to a cosmic dynamism. Ntu is the fundamental and referential basic being-force which dynamically manifests itself in all existing beings, differentiating them but also linking them in an ontological hierarchy. The being is fundamentally one all the existing beings are ontologically attached. Above, transcendant, is God, the beginning and end of all beings; source of all life, of all happiness. Between God and humans are intermediaries, all the ascendants, the ancestors, the dead members of the family and the old national heroes, all the armies of disincarnated souls. Below humans are all the other beings, who basically, are only means placed at human’s disposition to develop her or his ntu, being, life (Mulago 1965, in Mudibe, 1994).

An African (Mbiti, 1989) does not have to look for God outside, above or beyond his own creation. He sees and feels ‘ntu’s finger and presence and the indivisible unity between the Creator, man and other created beings (nature). Hence we say: ‘I’m one with the nature’. This concept, Creator-God, (ntu) enables us to trace and understand the origin of the philosophical concept of Ubuntu, which is an element that is present in all human beings. Therefore, u-ntu + umu-ntu = ubu-ntu. The word muntu simply means “God-Man”, whose abstract noun is Ubuntu. God + Man = Supreme Goodness (ubuntu). This element, the Supreme Goodness, is found within all members of the human race.

God, continues Mbiti, is the great kings above all kings and cannot be compared in majesty. He is above all majesties and divinities. He dwells everywhere. Thus He is omnipotent because He is able to do all things and nothing can be done nor created apart from Him. He is behind all achievements. He alone can speak and accomplish his words. Therefore, there is no room for failure. He is Absolute, all wise Omniscient, all seeing, and all Knowing. He knows all things and so no secrets are hid from Him.

In the private and public life of the African religious rites, beliefs, and rituals are considered an integral part of life. Life then is never complete unless it is seen always in its entirety. Religious beliefs are found in everyday life and no distinction is made between the sacred and the secular. The sacred and the secular are merged in the total persona for the individual African. Life is not divided into compartments or divisions. Thus there are no special times for worship, for everyday and every hour is worship time.

In connecting African traditional region to ancient Egypt, it seems proper to ride on the broad shoulders of Ahmed Osman (Christianity: An Ancient Egyptian Religion, 1934) work, for he connects the two beautifully.

To begin with, Osman (1934) contends that the roots of Christian belief spring not from Judaea but from ancient Egypt. He compares the chronology of the Old Testament and its factual content with ancient Egyptian records to show that the major characters of the Hebrew scriptures – including Solomon, David, Moses, and Joshua–are based on Egyptian historical figures. He further suggests that not only were these personalities and the stories associated with them cultivated on the banks of the Nile, but the major tenets of Christian belief – the One God, the Trinity, the hierarchy of heaven, life after death, and the virgin birth – are all Egyptian in origin.

With the help of modern archaeological findings, Osman (1934) shows that Christianity survived as an Egyptian mystery cult until the fourth century A.D., when the Romans embarked on a mission of suppression and persecution. In A.D. 391 the Roman-appointed Bishop Theophilus who led a mob into the Serapeum quarter of Alexandria and burned the Alexandrian library, destroying all records of the true Egyptian roots of Christianity. The Romans’ version of Christianity, manufactured to maintain political power, claimed that Christianity originated in Judaea. Osman restores Egypt to its rightful place in the history of Christianity.

God is in the centre of African religions. God here is not necessarily the Christian God. Every human person strives to be godly for in God everything is perfect. Life during living is spent in satisfying the laws of nature, respecting the social mores and the divine ones as well; and the honouring elders, respecting and worshipping the spirits and the gods. Life after death is spent in promoting the health and future of the progeny still left on earth.

Traditional African religion is vital, basic, mysterious, and magical, and at the same time it knows how to exist and co-exist. It knows how to survive in the midst of religious adversity. Godliness is a state postulated in philosophy, or postulated by religious imperialists, but absent in reality. Before the arrival of the missionaries the African society embraced its own system of morality, view of man and world-view as reflected in the culture’s code of behaviour and framework of moral evaluation. By contrast the missionary activists introduced into Africa a framework of thinking and scale of values, which reflected an ethos and milieu distinctive to the spirit and experience of the West.

This is the religion (traditional African religion) that St Augustine referred to when he wrote: ‘That which is called the Christian religion existed amongst the ancients and never did not exist, from the beginning of the human race until Christ came in the flesh, at which time the true religion, which already existed, began to be called Christianity’

There are records to prove that there was one institution in the ancient world, which was universal, and whose method of instruction, and content of its theology, was expressed by symbol and myth. This is the institution of the Ancient Mysteries, which was found in all parts of the world. All religious cults have their roots in the ancient Mysteries whose origin and foundations are traced to the teachings and doctrines of Hermes Trismegistos – an African Ethiopian sage.

The present version of Christianity, as practiced in our contemporary age, demands not ‘knowledge’ but ‘faith’. ‘It is this that demarcates the fundamental difference, between the Church and the old Osirian religion as well as the early form of Christianity known as ‘Gnosticism’ (Bauval, 1999).

Africans had or owned religions before the advent of Christianity (orthodox or reformed) and Islam. Christianity has brought us blinkered bigots. As far as we are concerned, everybody has his shrine guardian, every family has a shrine, every clan or tribe has its major shrine.

When we speak of African Traditional Religion, we mean the indigenous religious beliefs and practices of the Africans. It is the religion which resulted from the sustaining faith held by the forebears of the present Africans, and which is being practised today in various forms and various shades and intensities by a very large number of Africans, including individuals who claim to be Muslims or Christians.

We need to explain the word ‘traditional’, and in this I am relying on Awolalu (1976), who in his article ‘What is African Traditional Religion?’ in Studies in Comparative Religion, Vol. 10, No. 2. (Spring, 1976) (www.studiesincomparativereligion.com), argues that this word means indigenous, that which is aboriginal or foundational, handed down from generation to generation, upheld and practised by Africans today. This is a heritage from the past, but treated not as a thing of the past but as that which connects the past with the present and the present with eternity. This is not a “fossil” religion, a thing of the past or a dead religion. It is a religion that is practized by living men and women.

Awolalu (1976) argues that eminent African scholars, like Professor E. Bolaji Idown and Professor John Mbiti, have emphasized the fact that the world of the Africans is a theocratic one, ruled and governed by the decree of the Supreme Being.

The Supreme Being is given different names by different groups of people. When we examine the names, we gain a greater insight into the peoples’ concept of God, as they are descriptive of His character and attributes. For example, among the Yoruba, He is called Olodumare. By meaning and connotation, this name signifies that the Supreme Being is unique, that His majesty is superlative, that He is unchanging and ever reliable. He is also called Olorun (the owner of Heaven). Eleda (the Creator) by the same people. The Edo call Him Osanobuwa, and this means “God who is the Source and Sustainer of the World”. The Ibo call Him Chükwu, that is the Great Chi or the Great Source of life and of being. The Nupe call Him Soko, the Great One; He who dwells in Heaven; and they also designate him Tso-Ci meaning the Owner of us, the One to whom we belong. The Ewe-speaking people speak of Him as Nana Buluku (Ancient of Days), and this suggests His eternity. In Ghana, He is called Onyame, the Great and Shining One who is high and above all. The AmaZulu call him UMvelinqangi, amaXhosa call him UTixo, etc, etc.

Awolalu (1976) argues, again, that African Traditional Religion cannot easily be studied by non-Africans. The best interpreter of African Religion is the African with a disciplined mind and the requisite technical tools. And we agree with Professor Idowu that the purpose of the study should be to discover what Africans actually know, actually believe, and actually think about Deity and the supersensible world. There is a whole world of difference between this and what any investigators, at home or from abroad, prescribe through preconceived notions that Africans should know, believe and think. It is also to find out how their beliefs have inspired their worldviews and moulded cultures in general.

Lastly, the ancient Egyptian Maat concept gave birth to Africa’s Ubuntu concept. According to Dr Mathole Motshekga of Kara Heritage Institute, in his paper entitled The History of the African Renaissance and its possible influence on Modern Society – an Abstract Version, delivered at the Seminar held at the Goethe Institute in Johannesburg, on 29-31 October 1999: 23) says: The ancient Ethiopian founders of ancient Egypt introduced a theosophy (i.e. Divine wisdom) and sciences, which came to be attributed to the ancient Ethiopian (or black African) sage – Harama or (Thoth-Hemes). In other words the Hermetic philosophy and sciences, which were taught in dynastic Egypt came from Khem or ancient Ethiopia.

But who is Thoth Hermes?. He was an Ethiopian (black African) sage. Hermes Trismegistus, who the Greeks called Hermenubis or Thoth-Hermes, and was known to the Romans as Mercurius, while the Arabs and Jews called him Idris and Enoch who is the “Father of World Religions” wrote thousands of books, which are found in his collected work called “Corpus Hermeticum” which was found in his tomb by archaeologists. Forty (42) of these books later became a compulsory study for all those who entered the Order for priesthood. That was in the year 10 490 BC. Hermes developed what is now called the Hermetic Philosophy and Science. He is described as the “The Greatest Great and “Master of Masters”. As indicated below, of importance is that it was Hermes, through his book, the Corpus Hermeticum, who explained and revealed the source, meaning and nature of Maat/Ubuntu. Motshekga (1999) says Thoth-Hermes taught the world about what he called the “Supreme Goodness” (/Ma’at/Ubuntu), and he emphasized that the “quality and dignity of the human personality” which is the concept of Maa’t/uBuntu, is essential for the “balance” in the human society or universe. He also developed the “Three-fold Principle” (Triad) i.e. God + Man + Supreme Goodness (uBuntu), which is keeping the balance and the inclusiveness of the whole universe (1999; 46)

On the other hand, whilst Hermes referred to Ma’at/Ubuntu as the ‘Divine Mind’, Pythagoras referred to it as the ‘Divine Breath’ which unites men with gods at one extreme and with brute creation at the other. It was this Divine Breath that is the unifier of the Cosmos.

In his great work, Robert Bauval, the (Secret Chamber, 1999: 94-95) argues that the ancient texts proclaim that: Great is the Ma’at, enduring is its effectiveness, for it has not been changed since the Time of Orisis (i.e. the First Time…). Ma’at was the personification of law, order, rule, truth, right, righteousness, canon, justice, straightness, integrity, uprightness and of the highest conception of physical and moral law known to the Egyptians (my emphasis).

Perhaps (for Bauval, 1999) the best way to perceive Ma’at is for it to be the combination of all these ethics, which are encapsulated in the principle of ‘Divine Truth’. Ma’at is the ‘code of practice’ of the gods to which a human being must adhere in his earthly existence in order to progress towards a god-like state. Ma’at is that divine microchip within our hearts that tells us what is right or wrong, and guides us through life in accordance with the Divine Will.

In the Bible, for example, a similar concept and system of cosmic order and divine law is encapsulated in the Ten Commandments given to Moses on Mount Sinai. They are supposedly the righteous tenets that an individual must abide by in order to gain approval from God and, eventually, access to heavenly immortality.

The AmaZulu, who strongly believe in traditional African religion, refer to this as umthetho wesintu (the law of nature). It is, also, logical to argue here that the traditional African religion is based on the principles and values of the old Osirian religion as well as the early form of Christianity known as ‘Gnosticism – not the contemporary form of Christianity.

It is clear from the above, that an African traditional religion is knitted together with African philosophy, for our ancient African philosophers wouldn’t allow a compartmentalized life. In short, there is no vacuum in an African life.

The Relevance of Decalogues (Ten Commandments)
There is a very serious biblical question which is ever asked: “Who wrote the Decalogues?. Nobody has come up with a satisfying answer so far.

As with almost every other belief about the Bible, religious conservatives, liberals, historians, secularists, etc. have very different beliefs about the author(s) of the Pentateuch — the first five books of the Hebrew Scripture (a.k.a. Old Testament). In particular, they have different beliefs about the source and authorship of the Decalogue.

There are three basic beliefs about the origin of the Decalogue as follows:
(1) They were written and/or dictated by God at Mount Sinai, circa 1450 BCE.
(2) They were written by three Hebrew authors (or groups of authors) between 922 and 622 B.C.E. based upon ancient Hebrew myths and legends.
(3) Their original source was in Pagan documents written by Hittites or Egyptians which were plagiarized and added to by ancient Hebrew writers.

Part of the ancient Egyptian religion’s Book of the Dead (a.k.a. the Papyrus of Ani) bears an amazing resemblance to the Ten Commandments. They involve prohibition of adultery, murder, theft, lying, cursing God, false witness, abandonment of parents. 8 Since the Book of the Dead predates the date attributed to the Jewish Exodus from Egypt, and since the Ten Commandments postdate the Exodus, it would appear that the Book was the source of the Decalogue rather than the opposite. Of course, the similarities between the two might have been coincidental. If an ethical person of any era and any religion were asked to compose a minimal set of moral behaviors, they might well come up with a similar selection of commands. More details.

Thus, many religious liberals and secularists assume that the Hebrew Scripture’s Ten Commandments were based on documents written by the Hittites, Egyptians, or some similar neighboring Pagan group.” http://www.religioustolerance.org/chr_10ck.htm

Interestingly, if the Ten Commandments bear resemblance to the Egyptian Book of the Dead, which serves as an ancient Egyptian ‘bible’, yet there is a nexus between the Ten Commandments and the traditional African religion, it is then suffice to argue that there is one source of the Decalogue. But what is important to the researcher is the resemblance of the African traditional religion to the Papyrus of Ani.

According to The Emperor Diocletian, A.D. 302, in The Closing of the Western Mind by Charles Freeman, the ancient Egyptian view was that

The immortal gods in their providence have so designed things that good and true principles have been established by the wisdom and deliberations of eminent, wise and upright men. It is wrong to oppose these principles, or desert the ancient religion for some new one, for it is the height of criminality to try and revise doctrines that were settled once and for all by the ancients, and whose position is fixed and acknowledged.

A careful reading of the Ten Commandments reveals a clear nexus between the principles and values of Maat/Ubuntu and Ten Commandments. Unfortunately one cannot go through each of these in details. For example, commandments 5, 6, 7, 8, 9 and 10 are very relevant in terms of their emphasis on the need for good neighbourliness, and the reader is invited to do a comparative analysis on these principles and commandments. There is always an emphasis in the community that one needs to stay in harmony with one’s neighbor – perhaps due to the connectedness often found in Nguni communities, particularly in rural areas.

The principles of Maat, the principles of Ubuntu and Ten Commandments have so much in common that one cannot help not to believe the argument that says Christianity is nothing else but the duplication of the Osirian religion, which was founded on the natural laws. The religion of the pagans is an epitome of the traditional African religion

Conclusion
Throughout this research, there is a clear evidence of a black prehistoric people that developed a high knowledge of astronomy and methods of cattle domestication and breeding, and began a cult with complex rituals related to the stars and seasonal rhythms of the rainfalls in the open Sahara. These people also developed the social sophistication and knowledge to move huge stones, shape or sculpt them. The evidence is overwhelming that they sprang up from the reeds at the mouth of the Nile Valley (Great Lakes), at the very time and place of the origin of the pharaonic civilization. An intellectual and spiritual bridge was thus created whereby the knowledge acquired by these prehistoric black-African forefathers could legitimately be transmitted into the Nile Valley.

With all the evidence and clues that one has investigated in this article, one has reached a point where we must, at least for now, pause and unanimously say ‘all Africans, be they on the mother continent or in the West among the diaspora of African Americans and Afro-Europeans, should be proud of such illustrious ancestors. And that, indeed, AbeNguni/AmaZulu came from ancient Upper Egypt, with all their wares, cultures, traditions and customs.

One must admit that a of good information is lost in oral history, yet there are so few still living persons with such information, and even if they are still living, they are not well known or readily available.

This project is a humble contribution to the question of traditional, black African epistemology and ontology, particularly the Abantu/AbeNguni/AmaZulu, and a proof of their relevance with regard to the civilization which Africa is in the process of forging, which cannot be solid and viable except in proportion as it remains faithful to ancestral traditions and as it manages to be judicious in its contact with the civilizations of other peoples.
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DEIMPERIALISATION OF THE COLONIAL ECONOMY

Mfuniselwa Bhengu

20 February 2014

Introduction
Africa is in a crisis. It is a crisis of cultures. It is a crisis fuelled by the struggle between indigenous Africa and the forces of Western civilization. The whole process of attempted modernization is a form of ‘unnatural dis-Africanization’, which is effectively dislocating and tearing Africa away from its indigenous roots. The question we need to ask ourselves is: Can economic progress take place without a massive shift in societal values?.

This is the question that South African political Parties need to ask themselves before they make false political promises, embedded in their political manifestos, to the poverty-stricken people, and make them voter fodder for their political hegemony.

A new economic knowledge paradigm for the future needs to emerge, which would aim to reach out to the excluded and to address the need to deal with the root-cause of economic development failure in Africa. As a knowledge paradigm for the future, it must be, inclusively, take on board the experiences of the excluded. Hence there must be an understanding of the indigenous knowledge systems of the excluded, for that would increase the chances of adapting international practices to the local setting and can help improve the impact, and sustainability, of development.

The Cold War as a Context
Historically the Cold War provided Africans with two ideological options: the capitalist path or socialist path within an un-decolonized modernist-imperial world order. Africans tried to navigate this binary through such initiatives as the Bandung Conference of 1955 that emphasized decolonization as a central choice for the Global South; the Non-Aligned Movement; the push for a New International Economic Order; the Lagos Plan of Action; Africa’s Priority Programme for Economic Recovery; the African Alternative Framework to Structural Adjustment Programme for Socio-Economic Recovery and Transformation’ the African Charter for Popular Participation for Development; right up to the New Partnership[ for African Development.

These initiatives constituted what Ali Mazrui referred to as African solutions to African problems (Pax Africana). The intellectual resource for these initiatives was the dependency theory and the active agent was the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) under the leadership of Adebayo Adedeji.

These initiatives failed because they were ‘opposed, undermined and jettisoned by the Bretton Woods institutions and Africans were thus impeded from exercising the basic and fundamental right to make decisions about the future’. Adedeji identified what he called ‘the operation of the development merchant system (DMS) under which foreign-crafted economic reform policies have been turned into a kind of special goods which are largely and quickly financed by the operators of DMS, regardless of the negative impact of such policies on the African economies and polities’. What emerges clearly here is that what Adedeji describes as DMS carry coloniality which actively works to deny agency to Africans to chart an autonomous path of development (Adedeji, 2002).

The Western powers’ economic grip on Africa was intensified in the 1970s as they underwent prolonged recession. The Washington Consensus emerged as a Western initiative of managing the economic recession. Western welfarism informed by Keynesianism was replaced by neoliberal principles that privileged market forces in the struggle against inflation.

The Western Consensus
The Washington Consensus was constituted by a set of ideas and institutional practices that began to dominate the world economy from the 1970s onwards. The world order brought about by the Washington Consensus became known as neoliberalism.

Coloniality remains a reality. Decolonization remains a future that Africa must fight for, as it deals with cultural, psychological and epistemological aberrations. Without these processes taking place, the possibility of African people exercising extra-structural agency remains ‘pie in the sky’.

In order to regenerate a true African economic renaissance, we need to consider doing things differently, making the impossible possible, and produce economic transformations that would include the excluded. This inclusive approach should not be at a material level only but also at a spiritual level.

An Inclusive Paradigm
An inclusive paradigm can fulfill people’s purpose in life if it has the ability to harmonise the two cultural modes (i.e. the dominant economic paradigm and the alternative economic paradigm). This means we must begin by looking at our diverse historical and cultural epistemologies, and then develop an economic cultural synergy.

What is important is to pursue knowledge production that can renovate African cultural economy, defend the African peoples economic dignity and civilisational achievements and contribute afresh to a new economic global agenda that can push us out of the crisis of modernity as promoted by the European Enlightenment. Such knowledge must be relevant to the current needs of the masses, which they can use to bring about a social transformation out of their present plight.

The first thing to be observed is that the epistemological field traversed by the human sciences was not laid down in advance: no philosophy, no political or moral option, no empirical science of any kind, no observation of the human body, no analysis of sensation, imagination, or the passions, had ever encountered, in the seventeenth or eighteenth century, anything like man. They appeared when man constituted himself in Western culture as both that which must be conceived of and that which is to be known.

The historical emergence of each one of the human sciences was occasioned by a problem, a requirement, an obstacle of a theoretical or practical order: the new norms imposed by industrial society upon individuals where certainly necessary before psychology, slowly, in the course of the nineteenth contort, could constitute itself as a science; and the threats that, since the French Revolution, have weighed so heavily on the social balances, and even on the equilibrium established by the bourgeoisie, were no doubt also necessary before a reflection of the sociological type could appear. But though these differences may well explain why it was in fact in such and such a determined set of circumstances and in answer to such and such a precise question that these sciences were articulated, nevertheless, their intrinsic possibility, the simple fact that man, whether in isolation or as a group, and for the first time since human beings have existed and have lived together in societies, should have become the object of science – that cannot be considered or treated as a phenomenon of opinion.

We cannot, therefore, talk about the production of ‘knowledge for its own sake’ without interrogating its purpose. There cannot be such a thing as the advancement of science for its own sake. Those who pursue ‘science for its own sake’ find that their knowledge is used for purposes, which they may never have intended it for. Eurocentric knowledge is not produced just for its own sake. Its purpose throughout the ages has been to enable them to ‘know the natives’ in order to take control of their territories, including human and material resources for their benefit. Such control of knowledge was used to exploit the non-European peoples, colonize them both mentally and geo-strategically, as well as subordinate the rest of the Third World to their economic designs and interests, at the expense of African culture.

What is critically important for realization is that Africa and its peoples have been subjected to a process of economic disorganization, economic fragmentation and economic disintegration of their historical-cultural and civilizational achievements. These achievements, in many cases, have been appropriated by other peoples and turned around on their heads against the African people. In the process, the African civilization, including African indigenous economic relations, has been raped; plundered, despoiled and dehistorized.

The process of economic re-awakening and economic recovery has to be one of a historical deconstruction, consciousness raising and restatement not in the way the post-modernists and post-structuralists have argued, but by Africans tracing the origins and achievements of their civilizations with a view to developing new economic epistemologies of knowledge production based on African lived experiences in their global implications.

The process must delve into African economic, historical and cultural experiences throughout African history.

It is, therefore, about the reconstruction of our understanding of ourselves as Africans and how our relationships with the rest of humanity has led us where we are in the context of a global economic historical process. It is a hermeneutical problem of self-understanding in which we have to position ourselves as authentic human beings who have made a contribution to human civilization, and justifiably so since Africa is the Homeland of the World Cradle of Humankind. In a word, it is a hermeneutic task in which we have to foreground ourselves in the context of reconstructing our economic historical consciousness.

It is wrong to copy ‘systems’ or ‘disciplines’ developed elsewhere, while at the same time talking about the need for ‘renewal’ and ‘rebirth,’.

The aim, therefore, is to create an African self-understanding, in economic terms, which is necessary if Africa is to emerge as a proud member of the economic global society to which it belongs. It is my argument that this can be achieved if we infuse the Eurocentric market economy with African metaphysics, so as to bring about a situation in which her achievements are recognized and for these achievements to be seen as the building blocks of the human heritage.

We need to make a new skin, develop a new thinking, try to put afoot a new human being. What is called here for is not a cultural-historical egoism, but an other-directed openness, not an already established interpretation of nature, history, world and the ground of the world. It is an open-ended project of a humanity that finds itself engaged in joint struggles. All colonized people – all people in whose spirit is born of an inferiority complex, by the burial of a local cultural originality – find themselves face to face with the language of the civilizing nation, that is the metropolitan culture.

We are at a point in time when the dominance of the universe of European singularity is being encompassed or engulfed by the multiverse of our shared humanity. The central concern for the practice of philosophy focused on the formerly colonized world should be directed at helping to create a situation in which the enduring residue of our colonial part is systematically overcome.

We are, at a formal level, beyond the constricting confines of colonialism, and yet every aspect of existence in the formerly colonized world, and in Africa specifically, is still, in essential and fundamental ways, determined and controlled by our former colonizers. This is not to allocate blame but to locate specifically the source of our present predicament, not only as it pertains to our economic and political dependence on the West, but also as it pertains to our dependence and subordinate position in the realm of thinking and in questions of knowledge.

The interiorized hegemony of the West – our enduring ‘faith’ in the ‘shadow’ of the dead colonial God – finds its ‘objective’ correlate in the historical integration and subordination of our systems of knowledge to the world system of knowledge and know-how, just as underdevelopment as a whole results, primarily, not from any original backwardness, but from the integration of our subsistence economies into the world capitalist market.

Recently there has been a call for an ‘Economic Codesa’ to, among other things, to unpack the theory that says we live in a country with two economies, that is, the first economy and the second economy, wherein we may liken ‘our socio-economic situation to a double-decker bus in which the prosperous members of the multiracial middle-class were riding in comfort on the upper deck, while the almost wholly black unskilled, unemployed have-nots were crowded uncomfortably in the lower deck’. The question is: How do we build that stairway between the two decks? That is the minor challenge facing the mooted Economic Codesa, if at all it will ever take place. The biggest major challenge is how do we embed European-oriented economy in the African lived experiences?.

The knowledge paradigm of the future is beginning to develop by reaching out to those excluded. It is a compassionate but strategic evolution through contemplation during which the outer voice of possibility meets the inner voice of disenfranchisement. Significant and intimate connections are then made between the pain and the creative impulses essential for the transcendence, which then become the very touchstones of healing and creativity. We need to deal with the root-cause of economic development failure in South Africa and in Africa as a whole.

Cultural Element
Modern neoclassical economics tends to downplay the importance of culture to economic development, yet there is a cultural dimension to economic behavior. Economists make the simplifying assumption that human beings are rational utility-maximizing individuals, and that such maximizing behavior is largely invariant across different human societies. Gradually, because of the advance of western European technology, everything came to be controlled more and more by the European side. There is a convincing argument in our rich literature that there is a different economic anthropological argument that denies the universality of Western capitalism. Economic relations of Western capitalism are relative to Western civilization only. Individual in an African society was not threatened by starvation unless the community as a whole was in like predicament. Among Africans ‘whoever needs assistance receives it unquestioningly’. In other words, in African economic relations, a concern for human well-being takes precedence over the profit motive.

The question of failure to reconcile the indigenous African economic relations and practice, which is embodied and underpinned by an African humanism, with European market economy (capitalism), which is embodied in, and underpinned by, the culture of European economism, has always attracted the attention of scholars and policymakers.

Development of a New Economics
The challenge is to develop a new economics, which shall be a reflection of the economic experiences of the overwhelming majority of society, a very large proportion of which lives in rural and semi-rural areas. Our economics must begin with an accurate knowledge of the situation and needs of the overwhelming majority of Africans in rural and semi-rural areas, and in the shacks and townships of our urban areas. Our economics must be inclusive and relevant to everybody’s local ecology and experiences. In short, our economics needs to be deimperialised. At the same time we need to have a look at both negative and positive sides of capitalism.

While capitalism is widely criticised, and correctly so, but there are some advantages of capitalism, as follows:
1. Capitalism is an internally stable economic system, in that it
is consistent with human behavior. You have to work to survive, and only the lucky who manage to thrive within the socio-economic matrix make it to the top.

2. Capitalism is externally stable, in that survival in a capitalistic
system requires innovation and flexibility to keep up with the

changes in supply and demand. Such a system is generally prepared to deal with the influx of competition from external sources.

3. Large populations are likely to be diverse, which is beneficial to healthy
capitalistic systems.

4. Large, diversified societies tend to gravitate towards hierarchical social systems; capitalism easily adapts to such structures (http://graphcomp.com/home/bfree/opinions/economy.html. Accessed on 22 September 2012).

Disadvantages
Well, the literature is rich when it comes to the disadvantages of capitalism, as the follows:
1. Capitalism develops individualism
2. Modern capitalism assumes that human beings are primarily
economic beings.
3. It creates greed
4. It radically affects any culture that is under its sway
5. It develops self-interest rather than social good
6. It develops a sense of monopoly rather than sharing
7. It destroys local cultures and knowledge
8. It tends to do away with morality in economic relations.
9. It is immoral and unjust
10. It was never subjugated and colonised, so that its strength
and resilience can be determined.
11. It fails to reconcile wealth accumulation with spirituality.
Notably, under capitalism, private ownership, for the most part, controls the means of production; that includes the necessary machinery and equipment in order for society to produce more than the minimal subsistence for its members.
The difference, therefore, between advantages and disadvantages reflect the global problem presented by capitalism. Disadvantages highly outnumber advantages.
Therefore, an economic emancipation process should begin by acknowledging the fact that peoples of the Third World demand a recognition that says their knowledges are embedded in their ecology where each knowledge has its place, its claim to a cosmology, its sense as a form of life. In this sense knowledge is connected to livelihood, a life cycle and a lifestyle.

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THE SPIRITUAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THE EGYPTIAN PYRAMIDS

Mfuniselwa Bhengu

The pyramid always symbolises bigger consciousness of strength and energy. In your inside there is a point in which all levels cut themselves. This is the place of the renewal at which even dull razor blades become sharp again. With a bigger pyramid this place can be used for mystic experiences. The entrance of a pyramid in the dream stands for the search for the sense of life. She exists, as everybody knows, of a square and four equilateral triangles, can translate as a vision the action strictly directed on order. The pyramid can be to be travelled in the dream a picture for the wish of the dreaming. Often are reflected in her also actual travel recollections. On the other hand, the pyramid can also be on a discussion with ritual religious problems. Old-Egyptian dream researchers stated who sees a pyramid, a secret gets.

Spirituality

At the spiritual level the pyramid is a symbol for the integration of self-and soul. In dreams the pyramid can stand for the death, but it also contains rebirth. The base of the pyramid stands for the body, the sides show the spiritual attempts, the point symbolises the harmonious union of the human with the ‘higher self-‘ (God).

On a metaphysical level, for some belief systems the Great Pyramid is a place of great spiritual significance. If the Great Pyramid was used for religious purposes – such as a temple, place of meditation, or holy monument — rather than as a tomb, then certainly its size alone would make it a place of wonder. The ancient Egyptians saw the shape of the pyramids as a method of providing new life to the dead, because the pyramid represented the form of the physical body emerging from the earth and ascending towards the light of the sun.

Within man, there are two aspects. There is his real inner, divine self. There is also the body and intellect which, at his present stage of evolution, consider himself to be a separate egoist entity. However, there comes a time when man realises that he is not the body and intellect. His real existence is a state of being; a consciousness at one with the Universal consciousness.

The great pyramids of Egypt hold a real significance in this great spiritual quest.

Firstly, there is great significance in an equilateral triangle. The three sides refer to the tri-natured aspect of God: God the creator, God the preserver and God the transformer. This tri-natured aspect of God, can also be seen in the analogy of a seeker’s journey. There is the starting point, which represents his birth in the matter of creation, there is then the long journey of evolution and inner discovery; finally ending in the seeker’s realisation of his true identity. At this point, the seeker loses his identity and re-submerges in his original divine consciousness. Thus there are 3 aspects to a seeker’s journey. This tri-natured aspect is perfectly reflected in an equilateral triangle, which boasts a perfect symmetry. Within the 3 lines of the triangle, there is the area within. Thus we can say that the one is in the three and the three encompasses the one. This is the nature of God, 3 in 1 and 1 in 3. Thus it is said that God has four faces. Like points on the Compass; the four aspects of God, represent a different aspect of his nature.

The shape of the pyramids is chosen very carefully to reflect these underlying aspects of the divine unity. The pyramid has 4 faces. Three faces to the heavens, and one face to the earth. The pyramid is composed of 4 equilatoral triangles, which all manifest the cosmic nature of God 3 in 1 and 1 in 3. The pyramids were built with the greatest precision. It was not built by slaves, but by adepts who had mastery over nature. They used their understanding of sacred laws to make stones weightless. They could reduce the gravitational pull on huge blocks of stone, thus enabling them to be effortlessly used. The idea of a huge army of slaves building the pyramid, has only been created because many modern egyptologists cannot conceive that the ancient Egyptians may have had technology not available to modern man.

The primary purpose of the great pyramids was a place for spiritual initiation. It was in the sacred confines of the great pyramids that initiates would undergo the process of attaining real illumination. The pyramids were chosen because they are an outer symbolism of man’s inner quest. The spirituality of ancient Egypt was concerned with initiates seeking the Divine within themselves. Unfortunately, over time, the spiritual initiates who guarded the secrets of realisation, lost influence and over time, the pyramids became used for different purposes. This is why it is hard to find evidence of these early spiritual practices.

The significance of the Circle in traditional African spirituality

In traditional African culture and spirituality the image of the circle is a prominent feature that permeates all departments of life. In essence, the circle represents completeness, fullness. It is the primal source of energy and wisdom. The circle is thus an image of what is named God – that which is the source of all things and continues to give birth to new possibilities thereby offering hope. The association of God with the circle (or vice versa) explains why many life forms, ceremonies, rituals, buildings in traditional African culture follow the shape of a circle. Now I will try to illustrate why these circular formations are prominent in African culture and tradition.

Life is sacred because life and creation manifest God. Therefore life and creation are places of encounter with God. And so, the circular shapes that rituals, buildings and certain life forms follow manifest divinity, sacredness, unity, completeness, inter-connectedness and fullness. For example, the circular shape of the rondavel is meant to align the homestead with the Creator and the fullness of life. The shape of the rondavel has deep-seated religious and spiritual connotations. The rondavel represents the origins of creation and the unity of life. It is a symbol of safety and fullness of life.

Similarly, dance gives expression to a deep relationship with the Creator or represents a relationship with the Divine Spirit. In traditional African culture most forms of dance follow the shape of a circle. For example, isangoma (the diviner) uses a circular dance when performing acts of divination. Whilst divination is intended to cure life’s illness and restore wholeness, its performance enacts the wholeness of life and gives visible expression to how life is like when lived in its fullness. For example, participants in the ceremony of divination sit in a circle singing and clapping.

Many other creations and rituals are circular. For example, men and women in a rural village sit in a circle, drinking home brew beer out of circular utensils, and circulate the utensils among themselves. Abakhwetha (initiates at the circumcision school), during their period of separation, live in round shaped structures (ibhuma) which symbolise their birth into new life through their passage from boyhood to manhood.

And so, a circle symbolises birth into new life, completeness which is associated with the Creator. The circle is also a symbol of inclusion and interconnectedness with all creation. When people meet in a circle, everyone occupies a front-seat. In a circle everything is interconnected.

However, it is hugely regrettable that most churches in Africa reflect a feudal, hierarchical and European architecture, with oblong buildings, long aisles, sanctuaries set apart from the place “ordinary” worshippers.

However, if missionary Christianity had, from the onset, taken traditional African spirituality and its symbols seriously, a dome-shaped structure for a place of worship would not only be more familiar, but would also give expression to the idea of new life, new possibility, which is what resurrection is about. The building itself would represent a story of hope, the story of the resurrection. It would also represent the completeness of God’s creation as well as an act of praise for what God has done in creating. Round altars and pulpits with people seated around them would also be more appropriate than the altars and pulpits that are placed “away” from the worshippers.

Even more importantly, the image of the circle is a critique of some of the ways we relate to one another, and the way we use and exercise power in society. In most worship services the minister stands up front and does the talking. Without doubt, we need images to help us develop a spirituality of great depth which highlights that we each have something to offer, that my education and training does not make me a more worthwhile person than anyone else. In our search for meaning in life and the appropriate ways of relating to other people and the rest of creation we could perhaps retrieve the image of the circle to subvert and to reject power over another as an inappropriate way of relating.

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AN AFRICAN CULTURAL ECONOMY IN PERSPECTIVE

By: Mfuniselwa J. Bhengu
16/04/14

When the United Nations Statistical Commission recently rebased its statistical calculation of the Nigerian economy and discovered that what they thought was a ‘$270bn economy is actually worth $510bn’, and then recommended that the Nigerian economy was actually more than the South African economy. Those on the economic peripheries of the two African countries neither mourn nor celebrate the announcement.

The change is noteworthy. The international community will pay greater attention to Nigeria now that its economy casts a larger shadow than South Africa’s and display new confidence that will potentially be rewarded with lucrative gains, especially at a time when value-laden sectors such as power are opening up in unprecedented ways.

Business, in Ngieria, will also boom for hotel owners, travel agents, airlines, and events planners as the number of Nigeria-focused trips and investment conferences swell. Scammers might even be expected to cash in as well.

The one class of people who have nothing to gain will be ordinary Nigerians: the market woman in Ibadan, the itinerant shoe cleaner in Lagos, the motorcycle taxi rider in Makurdi, the cattle merchant in Potiskum, the shoe maker in Aba, the newspaper vendor in Abuja; etc., all condemned by their country to extreme poverty.

Clearly, we are talking here about the two (2) economies of the two African countries. The United Nations Statistical Commission was dealing with the ‘First (1st) Economy’ of Nigeria, not the ‘Second (2nd) Economy’.

This is the challenge facing the African continent – of integrating the 2nd economy into the 1st economy, and then redevelop a really African-oriented and rooted African economy, where every body, black and white, brown and green, rural-based population and urban-based population will be integrated into one common mainstream economy on an equal footing.

South Africa, according to Thabo Mbeki (our former State President), has two economies: the “1st economy” and the “2nd economy”. In actual fact, the 1st economy is the white-controlled, industrialized, modernized sector of the colonial economy, closely linked to the capitalist system of international trade, international banking, international stock-markets, and international science. The 2nd economy is the non-industrial sector, populated largely by Africans, with hardly any links to capitalist international trade, international banking, international stock-markets, and international science (Vilakazi, 2011). The same applies to the Nigerian economic structure. The same applies to a number of countries in Africa.

If you study modern economic history, you will notice that at every major, historic turning point in the economic history of any nation, there has been one sector of the economy which has provided the greatest forward thrust to the entire economy of the country. Look at the role of cotton, slavery, and the textile industry in laying the foundation for the rise of capitalist civilization; look at the construction of Railroads in late 19th century US economy; look at the role of Housing in the US economy today; look at mining in the economic history of South Africa, etc., etc.

It is wrong to assume that South Africa is a developing society. South Africa is an underdeveloped society, with strong features and processes of a colonial society still visible and active. The biggest development problem of an underdeveloped society is the pathological relationship existing between the city and the countryside. During the colonial era, South Africa had the largest concentration of settler-Europeans, who were an embodiment of capitalist industrialization in Africa. These settler-Europeans were the extension of Western industrialization and modernization in the country. They became the face of South Africa in the world. However, this very thin layer of industrialization and modernization was resting, and still rests, on the economic, educational, technical, and social depression of the overwhelming majority of the population, Africans – hence the underdevelopment of the African population.

Rural development, the upgrading and development of African subsistence agriculture, in our country, can play the same decisive role in turning our economy around.

What we need to do is to empower the masses of African people to meet their immediate material needs, first and foremost, food, shelter, clothing, etc. Empower them to assure themselves of these immediate needs; by so doing, you unleash the enormously vast creative, entrepreneurial skills and imagination of ordinary men and women. The recent economic experience of China, whose growth rate has been spectacular, is quite suggestive. What has been the source of this spectacular growth? Most students of the Chinese economy note that almost half of the acceleration in the growth rate during the first reform phase (1978-83) came from improved agriculture and rural development (Vilakazi, 2011).

The important point here is that the empowerment of ordinary Chinese men and women in the countryside unleashed enormous creative, entrepreneurial talents, which resulted in the formation of village and township firms, owned co-operatively or privately, right up to the formation of banks!

It is this level of development of the ordinary Chinese man and woman, of the ordinary Chinese household, which has created an enormous potential market for the goods produced and sold by Western corporations, which has made China so attractive an economic prospect for the West.

Africa, in general, inherited a colonial economy that was structured to improve the rapacious economies of the colonizing or metropolitan powers. In the scheme of things, what mattered was how the colonial economy could benefit the colonisers (Shokpeka and Nwaokocha, 2009 and Yunusa, 2009). The ending of colonial rule in most countries in Africa has not resulted in a complete control of their economic or political affairs. They are sovereign states in name. In reality, many of them remain under the economic and political control of their former rulers.

The alternative to both of these discredited experiments in centralised power is an economic system that roots power in people and communities of place and that unleashes our innate human capacities for cooperation and creativity. We have a historic opportunity to bring such an economy into being.

Africa needs to uproot the colonial economy within her self, and replace it with an economic model that has a human face.

The nefarious decision, by Europe, to colonize large parts of Africa was driven by (1) a need to support the industrial revolution with undisrupted flows of raw materials in large quantities, cheap labour, and the need for new markets for industrial goods, (2) strategic competition among European powers, both politically and militarily, and (3) individual hot heads (adventurers) that sought to achieve fame.

Therefore, there were basically three types of colonial economies in Africa:
(a) “peasant-statist” regimes known all over West Africa and parts of East Africa, (b) The settler economies that developed plantations using huge labour reserves in eastern and southern Africa, and
(c) Economy organized around chartered companies as in Congo.
The peasant-statist regimes were basically primary commodity export enclaves. The colonial government provided the minimum of infrastructure to ensure that export crops would be produced by peasant farmers and shipped to Europe. Taxation was intended to make the administration self-sufficient, and social services were minimal (largely coming from missionaries). The state (colonial government) determined what should be produced for exports, in what quantities, and also determined producer prices. There was minimal private participation outside agriculture, and hardly any processing took place.

In the settler economy, plantation agriculture was controlled by European settlers that confiscated land and marginalized indigenous people. Investment was much more significant as the owners of the capital also lived in those colonies. While exporting mainly primary commodities also, the role of the government was minimal, hence influencing largely the incentive structure.

In the chartered economies, the main characteristic was the involvement in mining by those chartered companies, the little regard for agriculture and associated labour, and infrastructure only to support mining and related activities. There was little attempt to develop domestic governance structures and no investment in human capital development and social services.

In many economies there were reforms in some colonies, largely in response to growing nationalist agitation. Reforms brought in greater participation by the indigenous people in the running of the colonies and hence greater attention paid to social services. The structures of the economies remained the same.

The United Nations Statistical Commission is talking, therefore, largely here, about the inherent Nigerian and inherent South African colonial economies. In other words, it is talking about the 1st economy rather than the 2nd economy. It is not talking about the millions of unemployed and sometimes unemployable young African Nigerians and young African South Africans.
Therefore, instead of bragging and mourning about the size of the gap between those who benefit from the economy and those who are exploited by it, we need to explore an alternative economic model suitable to the indigenous people of Africa.

However, it is important for South Africa, instead of mourning, but to begin to pay attention to Nigeria’s economic ascendancy. There is more to Nigeria than other unpalatable things they are doing. They are well known for having innovative and entrepreneurial populations, a people not averse to travelling outside their country to explore and exploit opportunities.

So, to be on top of the African continental economy, really is not an issue, the issue must be that umnotho ngumnotho ngabantu, i.e. an economy must be fully inclusive and serve the citizens of the country equally and fully.
The most urgent task facing us is to spread development and industrialization to rural communities in which the majority of our citizens live, thus lessening the stress on urban areas, and increasing the welfare of everyone urban and rural. We must establish, as Vilakazi (2011) and Ayiteyyi (2005) argue, a `wall-to-wall’ industrial foundation for the total nation. Introducing the agricultural revolution into every African village community, and eliminating malnutrition and nutrition-based diseases, shall be measures that will kick-start the development of the national economy. Rural industries should emerge in all provinces. By so doing, we shall end the lop-sided nature of our current economy.

Within the African idiom, we must vastly increase our domestic market by incorporating within the market the 60 percent of our population currently outside or marginal to the market. This shall achieve what any market economy needs – a vastly increased domestic market.

South African political parties are now wrapping up their electioneering and campaigns, without saying anything about the plight of the rural-based African populations of our country, or a kind of a policy shift towards rural economic development – so as to integrate the 2nd economy into the 1st economy.

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